David E. Scheim –Contract On America: The Mafia Murder of President John F. Kennedy — Videos

Posted on December 20, 2013. Filed under: American History, Blogroll, Books, Communications, history, Law, liberty, Life, Links, media, Non-Fiction, People, Philosophy, Raves, Security, Video | Tags: , , , , , |


Conspiracy Theories ; Jack Ruby [FULL VIDEO]

JFK Assassination Conspiracy Theories: John F. Kennedy Facts, Photos, Timeline, Books, Articles

JFK Assassination – Mob Connection part 1

JFK Assassination – Mob Connection part 2

JFK Assassination – Mob Connection part 3

JFK Assassination – Mob Connection part 4

JFK Assassination – Mob Connection part 5

JFK Assassination – Mob Connection part 6

The Killing of President Kennedy (very rare 1978 BBC documentary)

David E. Scheim

David E. Scheim is a director of management information systems. He is the author of several books on the murders of John F. Kennedy and Robert Kennedy. This includes Contract on America : the Mafia murders of John and Robert Kennedy (1983) andThe Mafia Killed President Kennedy (1988).

In 1989 Scheim told Blaine Taylor who he thought Carlos Marcello, Santos Trafficante and Jimmy Hoffa ordered the assassination of John F. Kennedy. He added: “All three of them were very close friends, and, when we look at Jack Ruby’s telephone records, we find an astonishing peak in the number of out-of-state calls in the months before the assassination – it’s actually 25-fold greater than in the month of the previous January. Most of those calls are to organized crime figures, in particular to top associates of Marcello, Trafficante, and Hoffa.

Scheim is on the Board of Advisors of the Assassination Archives and Research Centre in Washington.


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Eisenhower, Kennedy and Reagan Democrats For Ron Paul–Vote For Ron Paul and Restore The Constitution and The Republic!–A Time For Choosing–Videos

Posted on March 6, 2012. Filed under: American History, Blogroll, Communications, Economics, Employment, Federal Government, Foreign Policy, government, government spending, history, Inflation, Language, Law, liberty, Life, Links, media, People, Philosophy, Politics, Raves, Video, War, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

“The value of liberty was thus enhanced in our estimation by the difficulty of it’s attainment. And the worth of characters appreciated by the trial of adversity.”

 ~George Washington

“When the people fear their government, there is tyranny; when the government fears the people, there is liberty.”

~Thomas Jefferson

“Of all the enemies of public liberty, war is perhaps the most to be dreaded, because it comprises and develops the germ of every other.”

~James Madison

President Eisenhower – Farewell Warning

John F. Kennedy’s most memorable speech’s highlights+transcript/subtitles

Reagan – A Time For Choosing 

Ron Paul Incredible Video Twice Removed  YouTube

“Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all.”

~George Washington

“America will never be destroyed from the outside. If we falter and lose our freedoms, it will be because we destroyed ourselves.”

~Abraham Lincoln

“Mankind must put an end to war, or war will put an end to mankind.”

~John F. Kennedy

Background Articles and Videos

Eisenhower Farewell Address (Full) 

Dwight D. Eisenhower

Farewell Address

delivered 17 January 1961

Good evening, my fellow Americans.

First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.

Three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening, I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.

Like every other — Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.

Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling — on my part — of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.

We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America’s leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

Throughout America’s adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.

Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.

Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research — these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.

But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.

But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only.

A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.

Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all United States cooperations — corporations.

Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence — economic, political, even spiritual — is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.

Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.

Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present — and is gravely to be regarded.

Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.

It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system — ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society’s future, we — you and I, and our government — must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.

During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many fast frustrations — past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament — of the battlefield.

Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.

So, in this, my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust in that — in that — in that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.

You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations’ great goals.

To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America’s prayerful and continuing aspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources — scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.

Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.

Thank you, and good night.


The Entire John F Kennedy ‘Secret Society’ Speech Uncut with Subtitles and Transcript

John F. Kennedy

Address to the American Newspaper Publishers

delivered 27 April 1961, Waldorf Astoria Hotel, New York

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate very much your generous invitation to be here tonight. You bear heavy responsibilities these days and a article I read some time ago reminded me of how particularly heavily the burdens of present day events bear upon your profession.

You may remember that in 1851 the New York Herald Tribune under the sponsorship and publishing of Horace Greeley, employed as its London correspondent an obscure journalist by the name of Karl Marx. We are told that foreign correspondent Marx, stone broke, and with a family ill and undernourished, constantly appealed to Greeley and managing editor Charles Dana for an increase in his munificent salary of five dollars per installment, a salary which he and Engels ungratefully labeled as the “lousiest petty bourgeois cheating.”

But when all his financial appeals were refused, Marx looked around for other means of livelihood and fame, eventually terminating his relationship with the Tribune and devoting his talents full time to the cause that would bequeath to the world the seeds of Leninism, Stalinism, revolution, and the Cold War.

If only this capitalistic New York newspaper had — had treated him more kindly; if only Marx had remained a foreign correspondent, history might have been different. And I — I hope all publishers will bear this lesson in mind the next time they receive a poverty-stricken appeal from a small increase in the expense account from an obscure newspaper man.

I have selected as a title of my remarks tonight “The President and the Press.” Some may suggest that this would be more naturally worded “The President Versus the Press.” But those are not my sentiments tonight. It is true, however, that when a well-known diplomat from another country demanded recently that our State Department repudiate certain newspaper attacks on his colleague it was unnecessary for us to reply that this Administration was not responsible for the press, for the press had already made it clear that it was not responsible for this Administration.

Nevertheless, my purpose here tonight is not to deliver the usual assault on the so-called “one party press.” On the contrary, in recent months I have rarely heard any complaints about political bias in the press except from a few Republicans. Nor is it my purpose tonight to discuss or defend the televising of Presidential press conferences. I think it is highly beneficial to have some 20 million Americans regularly sit in on these conferences to observe, if I may say so, the incisive, the intelligent, and the courteous qualities displayed by your Washington correspondents.

Nor, finally, are these remarks intended to examine the proper degree of privacy which the press should allow to any President and his family. If in the last few months your White House reporters and photographers have been attending church services with regularity, that has surely done them no harm. On the other hand, I realize that your staff and wire service photographers may be complaining that they do not enjoy the same green privileges at the local golf courses which they once did. It is true that my predecessor did not object as I do to pictures of one’s golfing skill in action. But neither on the other hand did he ever bean a Secret Service man.

My topic tonight is a more sober one — of concern to publishers as well as editors.

I want to talk about our common responsibilities in the face of a common danger. The events of recent weeks may have helped to illuminate that challenge for some; but the dimensions of its threat have loomed large on the horizon for many years. Whatever our hopes may be for the future — for reducing this threat or living with it — there is no escaping either the gravity or the totality of its challenge to our survival and to our security — a challenge that confronts us in unaccustomed ways in every sphere of human activity.

This deadly challenge imposes upon our society two requirements of direct concern both to the press and to the President — two requirements that may seem almost contradictory in tone, but which must be reconciled and fulfilled if we are to meet this national peril. I refer, first, to the need for far greater public information; and, second, to the need for far greater official secrecy.

The very word “secrecy” is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths, and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it’s in my control. And no official of my Administration, whether his rank is high or low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to censor the news, to stifle dissent, to cover up our mistakes, or to withhold from the press and the public the facts they deserve to know.

But I do ask — But I do ask every publisher, every editor, and every newsman in the nation to reexamine his own standards, and to recognize the nature of our country’s peril. In time of war, the government and the press have customarily joined in an effort, based largely on self-discipline, to prevent unauthorized disclosures to the enemy. In times of “clear and present danger,” the courts have held that even the privileged rights of the First Amendment must yield to the public’s need for national security.

Today no war has been declared, and however fierce the struggle may be, it may never be declared in the traditional fashion. Our way of life is under attack. Those who make themselves our enemy are advancing around the globe. The survival of our friends is in danger. And yet no war has been declared, no borders have been crossed by marching troops, no missiles have been fired.

If the press is awaiting a declaration of war before it imposes the self-discipline of combat conditions, then I can only say that no war ever posed a greater threat to our security. If you are awaiting a finding of “clear and present danger,” then I can only say that the danger has never been more clear and its presence has never been more imminent.

It requires a change in outlook, a change in tactics, a change in missions — by the government, by the people, by every businessman or labor leader, and by every newspaper. For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence — on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific, and political operations.

Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed. It conducts the Cold War, in short, with a war-time discipline no democracy would ever hope or wish to match.

Nevertheless, every democracy recognizes the necessary restraints of national security — and the question remains whether those restraints need to be more strictly observed if we are to oppose this kind of attack as well as outright invasion.

For the facts of the matter are that this nation’s foes have openly boasted of acquiring through our newspapers information they would otherwise hire agents to acquire through theft, bribery, or espionage; that details of this nation’s covert preparations to counter the enemy’s covert operations have been available to every newspaper reader, friend and foe alike; that the size, the strength, the location and the nature of our forces and weapons, and our plans and strategy for their use, have all been pinpointed in the press and other news media to a degree sufficient to satisfy any foreign power; and that, in at least in one case, the publication of details concerning a secret mechanism whereby satellites were followed required its alteration at the expense of considerable time and money.

The newspapers which printed these stories were loyal, patriotic, responsible, and well-meaning. Had we been engaged in open warfare, they undoubtedly would not have published such items. But in the absence of open warfare, they recognized only the tests of journalism and not the tests of national security. And my question tonight is whether additional tests should not now be adopted.

That question is for you alone to answer. No public official should answer it for you. No governmental plan should impose its restraints against your will. But I would be failing in my duty to the nation, in considering all of the responsibilities that we now bear and all of the means at hand to meet those responsibilities, if I did not commend this problem to your attention, and urge its thoughtful consideration.

On many earlier occasions, I have said — and your newspapers have constantly said — that these are times that appeal to every citizen’s sense of sacrifice and self-discipline. They call out to every citizen to weigh his rights and comforts against his obligations to the common good. I cannot now believe that those citizens who serve in the newspaper business consider themselves exempt from that appeal.

I have no intention of establishing a new Office of War Information to govern the flow of news. I am not suggesting any new forms of censorship or new types of security classifications. I have no easy answer to the dilemma that I have posed, and would not seek to impose it if I had one. But I am asking the members of the newspaper profession and the industry in this country to reexamine their own responsibilities, to consider the degree and the nature of the present danger, and to heed the duty of self-restraint which that danger imposes upon us all.

Every newspaper now asks itself, with respect to every story: “Is it news?” All I suggest is that you add the question: “Is it in the interest of national security?” And I hope that every group in America — unions and businessmen and public officials at every level — will ask the same question of their endeavors, and subject their actions to the same exacting tests. And should the press of America consider and recommend the voluntary assumption of specific new steps or machinery, I can assure you that we will cooperate whole-heartedly with those recommendations.

Perhaps there will be no recommendations. Perhaps there is no answer to the dilemma faced by a free and open society in a cold and secret war. In times of peace, any discussion of this subject, and any action that results, are both painful and without precedent. But this is a time of peace and peril which knows no precedent in history.

It is the unprecedented nature of this challenge that also gives rise to your second obligation — an obligation which I share. And that is our obligation to inform and alert the American people — to make certain that they possess all the facts that they need, and understand them as well — the perils, the prospects, the purposes of our program and the choices that we face.

No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition. And both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support an Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.

I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers — I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: “An error doesn’t not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it.” We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors; and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.

Without debate, without criticism, no Administration and no country can succeed — and no republic can survive. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solon decreed it a crime for any citizen to shrink from controversy. And that is why our press was protected by the First Amendment — the only business in America specifically protected by the Constitution — not primarily to amuse and entertain, not to emphasize the trivial and the sentimental, not to simply “give the public what it wants” — but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold, educate, and sometimes even anger public opinion.

This means greater coverage and analysis of international news — for it is no longer far away and foreign but close at hand and local. It means greater attention to improved understanding of the news as well as improved transmission. And it means, finally, that government at all levels, must meet its obligation to provide you with the fullest possible information outside the narrowest limits of national security — and we intend to do it.

It was early in the 17th Century that Francis Bacon remarked on three recent inventions already transforming the world: the compass, gunpowder, and the printing press. Now the links between the nations first forged by the compass have made us all citizens of the world, the hopes and threats of one becoming the hopes and threats of us all. In that one world’s efforts to live together, the evolution of gunpowder to its ultimate limit has warned mankind of the terrible consequences of failure.

And so it is to the printing press — to the recorder of man’s deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news — that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.


“A Time for Choosing” by Ronald Reagan 

Ronald Reagan

A Time for Choosing (aka “The Speech”)

Air date 27 October 1964, Los Angeles, CA

Program Announcer: Ladies and gentlemen, we take pride in presenting a thoughtful address by Ronald Reagan. Mr. Reagan:

Reagan: Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn’t been provided with a script. As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words and discuss my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.

I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to follow another course. I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines. Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity. The line has been used, “We’ve never had it so good.”

But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn’t something on which we can base our hopes for the future. No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income. Today, 37 cents out of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector’s share, and yet our government continues to spend 17 million dollars a day more than the government takes in. We haven’t balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years. We’ve raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations of the world. We have 15 billion dollars in gold in our treasury; we don’t own an ounce. Foreign dollar claims are 27.3 billion dollars. And we’ve just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value.

As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace? There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us. We’re at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp to the stars, and it’s been said if we lose that war, and in so doing lose this way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening. Well I think it’s time we ask ourselves if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.

Not too long ago, two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other and said, “We don’t know how lucky we are.” And the Cuban stopped and said, “How lucky you are? I had someplace to escape to.” And in that sentence he told us the entire story. If we lose freedom here, there’s no place to escape to. This is the last stand on earth.

And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power except the sovereign people, is still the newest and the most unique idea in all the long history of man’s relation to man.

This is the issue of this election: whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capitol can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.

You and I are told increasingly we have to choose between a left or right. Well I’d like to suggest there is no such thing as a left or right. There’s only an up or down: [up] man’s old — old-aged dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism. And regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course.

In this vote-harvesting time, they use terms like the “Great Society,” or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people. But they’ve been a little more explicit in the past and among themselves; and all of the things I now will quote have appeared in print. These are not Republican accusations. For example, they have voices that say, “The cold war will end through our acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism.” Another voice says, “The profit motive has become outmoded. It must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state.” Or, “Our traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century.” Senator Fulbright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded. He referred to the President as “our moral teacher and our leader,” and he says he is “hobbled in his task by the restrictions of power imposed on him by this antiquated document.” He must “be freed,” so that he “can do for us” what he knows “is best.” And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as “meeting the material needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government.”

Well, I, for one, resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me, the free men and women of this country, as “the masses.” This is a term we haven’t applied to ourselves in America. But beyond that, “the full power of centralized government” — this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize. They knew that governments don’t control things. A government can’t control the economy without controlling people. And they know when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose. They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that outside of its legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy.

Now, we have no better example of this than government’s involvement in the farm economy over the last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled. One-fourth of farming in America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus. Three-fourths of farming is out on the free market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce. You see, that one-fourth of farming — that’s regulated and controlled by the federal government. In the last three years we’ve spent 43 dollars in the feed grain program for every dollar bushel of corn we don’t grow.

Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater, as President, would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better, because he’ll find out that we’ve had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs. He’ll also find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress [an] extension of the farm program to include that three-fourths that is now free. He’ll find that they’ve also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn’t keep books as prescribed by the federal government. The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals. And contained in that same program was a provision that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 million farmers from the soil.

At the same time, there’s been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees. There’s now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can’t tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore.

Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy, but how — who are farmers to know what’s best for them? The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program. The government passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up; the price of wheat to the farmer goes down.

Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom carries on. Private property rights [are] so diluted that public interest is almost anything a few government planners decide it should be. In a program that takes from the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a million-and-a-half-dollar building completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a “more compatible use of the land.” The President tells us he’s now going to start building public housing units in the thousands, where heretofore we’ve only built them in the hundreds. But FHA [Federal Housing Authority] and the Veterans Administration tell us they have 120,000 housing units they’ve taken back through mortgage foreclosure. For three decades, we’ve sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency.

They’ve just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells, and the 14,000 people there have over 30 million dollars on deposit in personal savings in their banks. And when the government tells you you’re depressed, lie down and be depressed.

We have so many people who can’t see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one. So they’re going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning. Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer — and they’ve had almost 30 years of it — shouldn’t we expect government to read the score to us once in a while? Shouldn’t they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help? The reduction in the need for public housing?

But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater; the program grows greater. We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night. Well that was probably true. They were all on a diet. But now we’re told that 9.3 million families in this country are poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than 3,000 dollars a year. Welfare spending [is] 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression. We’re spending 45 billion dollars on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you’ll find that if we divided the 45 billion dollars up equally among those 9 million poor families, we’d be able to give each family 4,600 dollars a year. And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty. Direct aid to the poor, however, is only running only about 600 dollars per family. It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead.

Now — so now we declare “war on poverty,” or “You, too, can be a Bobby Baker.” Now do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add 1 billion dollars to the 45 billion we’re spending, one more program to the 30-odd we have — and remember, this new program doesn’t replace any, it just duplicates existing programs — do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic? Well, in all fairness I should explain there is one part of the new program that isn’t duplicated. This is the youth feature. We’re now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps [Civilian Conservation Corps], and we’re going to put our young people in these camps. But again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we’re going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person we help 4,700 dollars a year. We can send them to Harvard for 2,700! Course, don’t get me wrong. I’m not suggesting Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.

But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help? Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman who’d come before him for a divorce. She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning 250 dollars a month. She wanted a divorce to get an 80 dollar raise. She’s eligible for 330 dollars a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who’d already done that very thing.

Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we’re denounced as being against their humanitarian goals. They say we’re always “against” things — we’re never “for” anything.

Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they’re ignorant; it’s just that they know so much that isn’t so.

Now — we’re for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we’ve accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem.

But we’re against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood. They’ve called it “insurance” to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program. They only use the term “insurance” to sell it to the people. And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole. But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble. And they’re doing just that.

A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary — his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220 dollars a month at age 65. The government promises 127. He could live it up until he’s 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can’t put this program on a sound basis, so that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they’re due — that the cupboard isn’t bare?

Barry Goldwater thinks we can.

At the same time, can’t we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provision for the non-earning years? Should we not allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband? Shouldn’t you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do? I think we’re for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. But I think we’re against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as was announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt. They’ve come to the end of the road.

In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program of deliberate, planned inflation, so that when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar’s worth, and not 45 cents worth?

I think we’re for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace. But I think we’re against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world’s population. I think we’re against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations.

I think we’re for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we’re against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world. We set out to help 19 countries. We’re helping 107. We’ve spent 146 billion dollars. With that money, we bought a 2 million dollar yacht for Haile Selassie. We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenya[n] government officials. We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity. In the last six years, 52 nations have bought 7 billion dollars worth of our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country.

No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size. So, governments’ programs, once launched, never disappear.

Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we’ll ever see on this earth.

Federal employees — federal employees number two and a half million; and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the nation’s work force employed by government. These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man’s property without a warrant? They can impose a fine without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury? And they can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine. In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier over-planted his rice allotment. The government obtained a 17,000 dollar judgment. And a U.S. marshal sold his 960-acre farm at auction. The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work.

Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-times candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, “If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States.” I think that’s exactly what he will do.

But as a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn’t the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration, because back in 1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his Party was taking the Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. And he walked away from his Party, and he never returned til the day he died — because to this day, the leadership of that Party has been taking that Party, that honorable Party, down the road in the image of the labor Socialist Party of England.

Now it doesn’t require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people. What does it mean whether you hold the deed to the — or the title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property? And such machinery already exists. The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute. Every businessman has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion has taken place. Our natural, unalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment.

Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men — that we’re to choose just between two personalities.

Well what of this man that they would destroy — and in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear? Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is? Well I’ve been privileged to know him “when.” I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I’ve never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing.

This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees. He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn’t work. He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores. When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.

An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas. And he said that [there were] a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, “Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such,” and they went down there, and there was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long, he’d load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load.

During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said, “There aren’t many left who care what happens to her. I’d like her to know I care.” This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son, “There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start.” This is not a man who could carelessly send other people’s sons to war. And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I’ve discussed academic, unless we realize we’re in a war that must be won.

Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us they have a utopian solution of peace without victory. They call their policy “accommodation.” And they say if we’ll only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he’ll forget his evil ways and learn to love us. All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers. They say we offer simple answers to complex problems. Well, perhaps there is a simple answer — not an easy answer — but simple: If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right.

We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain, “Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skins, we’re willing to make a deal with your slave masters.” Alexander Hamilton said, “A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one.” Now let’s set the record straight. There’s no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there’s only one guaranteed way you can have peace — and you can have it in the next second — surrender.

Admittedly, there’s a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson of history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face — that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender. If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand — the ultimatum. And what then — when Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what our answer will be? He has told them that we’re retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the final ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that time we will have been weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically. He believes this because from our side he’s heard voices pleading for “peace at any price” or “better Red than dead,” or as one commentator put it, he’d rather “live on his knees than die on his feet.” And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don’t speak for the rest of us.

You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin — just in the face of this enemy? Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs? Should Christ have refused the cross? Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard ’round the world? The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn’t die in vain. Where, then, is the road to peace? Well it’s a simple answer after all.

You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, “There is a price we will not pay.” “There is a point beyond which they must not advance.” And this — this is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater’s “peace through strength.” Winston Churchill said, “The destiny of man is not measured by material computations. When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we’re spirits — not animals.” And he said, “There’s something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty.”

You and I have a rendezvous with destiny.

We’ll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we’ll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness.

We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.

Thank you very much.


Ron Paul Highlights at the Thanksgiving Family Forum (Family Leader Debate)


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Ron Paul 2012: Speaks the truth with JFK and Martin L King!-Videos

Posted on December 8, 2011. Filed under: American History, Blogroll, Business, Communications, Culture, Economics, Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, government, government spending, history, Homes, Language, Law, liberty, Life, Links, media, Monetary Policy, People, Philosophy, Politics, Rants, Raves, Taxes, Unions, Video, War, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

Mind blowing speech by Robert Welch in 1958 predicting Insiders plans to destroy America

“…Robert Welch, Founder of The John Birch Society, predicted today’s problems with uncanny accuracy back in 1958 and prescribed solutions in 1974 that are very similar to Ron Paul’s positions today. …”

Background Articles and Videos

The Real Newt Gingrich Part 1

The Real Newt Gingrich Part 2

The Real Newt Gingrich Part 3

The Real Newt Gingrich Part 4

Related Posts On Pronk Palisades

Memo To Gingrich: 33 Million Americans Looking For Full Time Jobs–Deport All Illegal Aliens–It Is The Law–Video

Leave It To Beaver–Newt Gingrich–The Beaver Puppet of The Republican Washington D.C. Establishment Political Class With It Social Engineered Warfare and Welfare Economy with A $3,500 Billion Unbalanced Budget For Fiscal Year 2012 with Nearly $1,000 Billion In Deficit Spending!–Videos

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50 Year American Tax Revolution: The Impossible Became The Inevitable–Flat Tax or FairTax?Videos

Posted on November 1, 2011. Filed under: American History, Blogroll, Business, College, Communications, Economics, Employment, Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, Foreign Policy, government, government spending, history, Immigration, Inflation, Investments, Language, Law, liberty, Life, Links, Macroeconomics, media, Microeconomics, Monetary Policy, People, Philosophy, Politics, Public Sector, Raves, Regulations, Reviews, Science, Security, Strategy, Talk Radio, Taxes, Technology, Unions, Video, Wealth, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

Pronk Pops Show 52:November 2, 2011

Pronk Pops Show 51:October 26, 2011

Pronk Pops Show 50:October 19, 2011

Pronk Pops Show 49:October 12, 2011

Pronk Pops Show 48:October 5, 2011

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 52

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 49-51

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 45-48

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 41-44

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 38-40

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 34-37

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 30-33

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 27-29

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 22 (Part 2)-26

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 16-22 (Part 1)

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 10-15

Listen To Pronk Pops Podcast or Download Shows 1-9

Segment 0: 50 Year American Tax Revolution: When The Impossible Became The Inevitable–Flat Tax or FairTax–Videos


The Recession and Recovery in Perspective

Post-WWII Recessions

The Business Cycle Dating Committee of the National Bureau of Economic Research determines the beginning and ending dates of U.S. recessions. http://www.nber.org/cycles.html

It has determined that the U.S. economy experienced 10 recessions from 1946 through 2006. The committee determined that the 2007-2009 recession began in December 2007 and ended in June of 2009. Ending dates are typically announced several months after the recession officially ends. Read the June 2009 trough announcement by the NBER.

Length of Recessions

The 10 previous postwar recessions ranged in length from 6 months to 16 months, averaging about 10 1/2 months. The 2007-09 recession was the longest recession in the postwar period, at 18 months.

Depth of Recessions

The severity of a recession is determined in part by its length; perhaps even more important is the magnitude of the decline in economic activity. The 2007-09 recession was the deepest recession in the postwar period; at their lowest points employment fell by 6.3 percent and output fell by 5.1 percent.



the National Bureau of Economic Research

US Business Cycle Expansions and Contractions


Taxes and Long-Term Economic Growth

Executive Summary

The 1960s and 1980s were periods of sustained high growth rates in the economy. The major reason for this growth is the tax cuts enacted in the beginning of each decade. President Kennedy’s and President Reagan’s tax cuts resulted in higher investment, lower unemployment, and improved overall economic performance.

Since March 1991, the U.S. economy has been expanding, though at a slower rate than previous post-war expansions. Productivity growth has been weak and must be improved. A tax cut that improves incentives to work, save, and invest is necessary to provide a framework for prosperity. As President Kennedy said, “A rising tide lifts all boats.”


2011 IRS Tax Brackets

Here are the 2011 tax tables, which make it easy to find which marginal tax bracket you are in:

Tax Bracket Single Married Filing Jointly Head of Household
10% Bracket $0 – $8,500 $0 – $17,000 $0 – $12,150
15% Bracket $8,500 – $34,500 $17,000 – $69,000 $12,150 – $46,250
25% Bracket $34,500 – $83,600 $69,000 – $139,350 $46,250 – $119,400
28% Bracket $83,600 – $174,400 $139,350 – $212,300 $119,400 – $193,350
33% Bracket $174,400 – $379,150 $212,300 – $379,150 $193,350 – $379,150
35% Bracket $379,150+ $379,150+ $379,150+


Source: Internal Revenue Service

Table 1 Summary of Federal Income Tax Data, 2009

Number of Returns with Positive AGI

AGI ($ millions)

Income Taxes Paid ($ millions)

Group’s Share of Total AGI

Group’s Share of Income Taxes

Income Split Point

Average Tax Rate

All Taxpayers 137,982,203 $7,825,389 $865,863 100.0% 100.0% 11.06%
Top 1% 1,379,822 $1,324,572 $318,043 16.9% 36.7% $343,927.00 24.01%
1-5% 5,519,288 $1,157,918 $189,864 14.8% 22.0% 16.40%
Top 5% 6,899,110 $2,482,490 $507,907 31.7% 58.7% $154,643.00 20.46%
5-10% 6,899,110 $897,241 $102,249 11.5% 11.8% 11.40%
Top 10% 13,798,220 $3,379,731 $610,156 43.2% 70.5% $112,124.00 18.05%
10-25% 20,697,331


$145,747 22.6% 17.0% 8.23%
Top 25% 34,495,551 $5,149,871 $755,903 65.8% 87.3% $ 66,193.00 14.68%
25-50% 34,495,551 $1,620,303 $90,449 20.7% 11.0% 5.58%
Top 50% 68,991,102 $6,770,174 $846,352 86.5% 97.7% > $32,396 12.50%
Bottom 50% 68,991,102


$19,511 13.5% 2.3% < $32,396 1.85%

Source: Internal Revenue Service

Table 6

Total Income Tax Shares, 1980-2009 (Percent of federal income tax paid by each group)



Top 0.1%

Top 1%

Top 5%

Between 5% & 10%

Top 10%

Between 10% & 25%

Top 25%

Between 25% & 50%

Top 50%

Bottom 50%














































































Tax Reform Act of 1986 changed the definition of AGI, so data above and below this line not strictly comparable







































































































































































































































































Source: Internal Revenue Service


JFK – Path to Prosperity

Excerpts from President John F Kennedy’s speech delivered on December 14, 1962 to the Economic Club of New York.

Income Tax Cut, JFK Hopes To Spur Economy 1962/8/13

JFK speech on tax cuts

John F. Kennedy State of the Union Address to a Joint Session of the United States Congress (1963)

JFK State of the Union Address (1963) (Part 1)

Interesting that the audio for the tax cut part of the speech is missing. “This net reduction in tax liabilities of $10 billion will increase the purchasing power of American families and business enterprises in every tax bracket, with greatest increase going to our low-income consumers. It will, in addition, encourage the initiative and risk-taking on which our free system depends–induce more investment, production, and capacity use–help provide the 2 million new jobs we need every year…”

January 14, 1963 – John F. Kennedy’s delivers the State of the Union address

State of the Union Address (January 14, 1963)

John Fitzgerald Kennedy

“…At home, the recession is behind us. Well over a million more men and women are working today than were working 2 years ago. The average factory workweek is once again more than 40 hours; our industries are turning out more goods than ever before; and more than half of the manufacturing capacity that lay silent and wasted 100 weeks ago is humming with activity.

In short, both at home and abroad, there may now be a temptation to relax. For the road has been long, the burden heavy, and the pace consistently urgent.

But we cannot be satisfied to rest here. This is the side of the hill, not the top. The mere absence of war is not peace. The mere absence of recession is not growth. We have made a beginning–but we have only begun.

Now the time has come to make the most of our gains–to translate the renewal of our national strength into the achievement of our national purpose.

America has enjoyed 22 months of uninterrupted economic recovery. But recovery is not enough. If we are to prevail in the long run, we must expand the long-run strength of our economy. We must move along the path to a higher rate of growth and full employment.

For this would mean tens of billions of dollars more each year in production, profits, wages, and public revenues. It would mean an end to the persistent slack which has kept our unemployment at or above 5 percent for 61 out of the past 62 months–and an end to the growing pressures for such restrictive measures as the 35-hour week, which alone could increase hourly labor costs by as much as 14 percent, start a new wage-price spiral of inflation, and undercut our efforts to compete with other nations.

To achieve these greater gains, one step, above all, is essential–the enactment this year of a substantial reduction and revision in Federal income taxes.

For it is increasingly clear–to those in Government, business, and labor who are responsible for our economy’s success–that our obsolete tax system exerts too heavy a drag on private purchasing power, profits, and employment. Designed to check inflation in earlier years, it now checks growth instead. It discourages extra effort and risk. It distorts the use of resources. It invites recurrent recessions, depresses our Federal revenues, and causes chronic budget deficits.

Now, when the inflationary pressures of the war and the post-war years no longer threaten, and the dollar commands new respect-now, when no military crisis strains our resources–now is the time to act. We cannot afford to be timid or slow. For this is the most urgent task confronting the Congress in 1963.

In an early message, I shall propose a permanent reduction in tax rates which will lower liabilities by $13.5 billion. Of this, $11 billion results from reducing individual tax rates, which now range between 20 and 91 percent, to a more sensible range of 14 to 65 percent, with a split in the present first bracket. Two and one-half billion dollars results from reducing corporate tax rates, from 52 percent–which gives the Government today a majority interest in profits-to the permanent pre-Korean level of 47 percent. This is in addition to the more than $2 billion cut in corporate tax liabilities resulting from last year’s investment credit and depreciation reform.

To achieve this reduction within the limits of a manageable budgetary deficit, I urge: first, that these cuts be phased over 3 calendar years, beginning in 1963 with a cut of some $6 billion at annual rates; second, that these reductions be coupled with selected structural changes, beginning in 1964, which will broaden the tax base, end unfair or unnecessary preferences, remove or lighten certain hardships, and in the net offset some $3.5 billion of the revenue loss; and third, that budgetary receipts at the outset be increased by $1.5 billion a year, without any change in tax liabilities, by gradually shifting the tax payments of large corporations to a . more current time schedule. This combined program, by increasing the amount of our national income, will in time result in still higher Federal revenues. It is a fiscally responsible program–the surest and the soundest way of achieving in time a balanced budget in a balanced full employment economy.

This net reduction in tax liabilities of $10 billion will increase the purchasing power of American families and business enterprises in every tax bracket, with greatest increase going to our low-income consumers. It will, in addition, encourage the initiative and risk-taking on which our free system depends–induce more investment, production, and capacity use–help provide the 2 million new jobs we need every year–and reinforce the American principle of additional reward for additional effort.

I do not say that a measure for tax reduction and reform is the only way to achieve these goals.

–No doubt a massive increase in Federal spending could also create jobs and growth-but, in today’s setting, private consumers, employers, and investors should be given a full opportunity first.

–No doubt a temporary tax cut could provide a spur to our economy–but a long run problem compels a long-run solution.

–No doubt a reduction in either individual or corporation taxes alone would be of great help–but corporations need customers and job seekers need jobs.

–No doubt tax reduction without reform would sound simpler and more attractive to many–but our growth is also hampered by a host of tax inequities and special preferences which have distorted the flow of investment.

–And, finally, there are no doubt some who would prefer to put off a tax cut in the hope that ultimately an end to the cold war would make possible an equivalent cut in expenditures-but that end is not in view and to wait for it would be costly and self-defeating.

In submitting a tax program which will, of course, temporarily increase the deficit but can ultimately end it–and in recognition of the need to control expenditures–I will shortly submit a fiscal 1964 administrative budget which, while allowing for needed rises in defense, space, and fixed interest charges, holds total expenditures for all other purposes below this year’s level.

This requires the reduction or postponement of many desirable programs, the absorption of a large part of last year’s Federal pay raise through personnel and other economies, the termination of certain installations and projects, and the substitution in several programs of private for public credit. But I am convinced that the enactment this year of tax reduction and tax reform overshadows all other domestic problems in this Congress. For we cannot for long lead the cause of peace and freedom, if we ever cease to set the pace here at home.

Tax reduction alone, however, is not enough to strengthen our society, to provide opportunities for the four million Americans who are born every year, to improve the lives of 32 million Americans who live on the outskirts of poverty.

The quality of American life must keep pace with the quantity of American goods.

This country cannot afford to be materially rich and spiritually poor.

Therefore, by holding down the budgetary cost of existing programs to keep within the limitations I have set, it is both possible and imperative to adopt other new measures that we cannot afford to postpone. …”


Reagan on Taxes

Ronald Reagan-Remarks on Signing the Tax Reform Act (October 22, 1986)

President Reagans Remarks on Signing the Tax Reform Act of 1986 – 10/22/86

Dan Mitchell explains the fair tax

The Flat Tax: How it Works and Why it is Good for America

What is the FairTax legislation?

Herman Cain breaks down his 9-9-9 plan (Fox Debate)

Herman Cain’s 9-9-9 Tax Plan (AEI Interview)

Herman Cain on Taxes (Interview)

Milton Friedman – The Free Lunch Myth

Ron Paul on Taxes (Speech)


Herman Cain 999 plan will add new taxes explained by Ron Paul

Herman Cain Lied To Ron Paul

Reagan; Taxes and Budget Deficit: Revenue 19% of GDP; Spending is 23%; Revenue is sufficient

JFK Defends The First Amendment

Background Articles and Videos

Taxes Due

If you are trying to calculate your taxes due, these tables may be more helpful. Remember that taxes are due on your adjusted income after accounting for deductions and other adjustments.

Single Filers

These tables are for single filers who are not surviving spouses or heads of household:

Taxable Income Tax
$0 – $8,500 10% of taxable income
$8,500 – $34,500 $850 plus 15% of excess over $8,500
$34,500 – $83,600 $4,750 plus 25% of excess over $34,500
$83,600 – $174,400 $17,025 plus 28% of excess over $83,600
$174,400 – $379,150 $42,449 plus 33% of excess over $174,400
$379,150+ $110,016.50 plus 35% of excess over $379,150

Married & Surviving Spouses

These tables are for married filing jointly or surviving spouses:

Taxable Income Tax
$0 – $17,000 10% of taxable income
$17,000 – $69,000 $1,700 plus 15% of excess over $17,000
$69,000 – $139,350 $9,500 plus 25% of excess over $69,000
$139,350 – $212,300 $27,087.50 plus 28% of excess over $139,350
$212,300 – $379,150 $47,513.50 plus 33% of excess over $212,300
$379,150+ $102,574 plus 35% of excess over $379,150

Head of Household

These tax tables are for those considered Heads of Household:

Taxable Income Tax
$0 – $12,150 10% of taxable income
$12,150 – $46,250 $1,215 plus 15% of excess over $12,150
$46,250 – $119,400 $6,330 plus 25% of excess over $46,250
$119,400 – $193,350 $24,617.50 plus 28% of excess over $119,400
$193,350 – $379,150 $45,323.50 plus 33% of excess over $193,350
$379,150+ $106,637.50 plus 35% of excess over $379,150

Married Filing Separately

These are tax tables for those filing as Married Filing Separately:

Taxable Income Tax
$0 – $8,500 10% of taxable income
$8,500 – $34,500 $850 plus 15% of excess over $8,500
$34,500 – $69,675 $4,750 plus 25% of excess over $34,500
$69,675 – $106,150 $13,543.75 plus 28% of excess over $69,675
$106,150 – $189,575 $23,756.75 plus 33% of excess over $106,150
$189,575+ $51,287 plus 35% of excess over $189,575

With the passage of the Bush era tax cut extension, these brackets aren’t much different than the 2010 tax brackets after an adjustment for inflation.


History of Federal Individual Income Bottom and Top Bracket Rates

Historical Income Tax Rates & Brackets

Tax Rates 1

Bottom bracket

Top bracket

Calendar Year


Taxable Income Up to


Income over

1913-15 1 20,000 7 500,000
1916 2 20,000 15 2,000,000
1917 2 2,000 67 2,000,000
1918 6 4,000 77 1,000,000
1919-20 4 4,000 73 1,000,000
1921 4 4,000 73 1,000,000
1922 4 4,000 56 200,000
1923 3 4,000 56 200,000
1924 2 1.5 4,000 46 500,000
1925-28 2 1? 4,000 25 100,000
1929 2 4? 4,000 24 100,000
1930-31 2 1? 4,000 25 100,000
1932-33 4 4,000 63 1,000,000
1934-35 3 4 4,000 63 1,000,000
1936-39 3 4 4,000 79 5,000,000
1940 3 4.4 4,000 81.1 5,000,000
1941 3 10 2,000 81 5,000,000
1942-434 3 19 2,000 88 200,000
1944-45 23 2,000 5 94 200,000
1946-47 19 2,000 5 86.45 200,000
1948-49 16.6 4,000 5 82.13 400,000
1950 17.4 4,000 5 91 400,000
1951 20.4 4,000 5 91 400,000
1952-53 22.2 4,000 5 92 400,000
1954-63 20 4,000 5 91 400,000
1964 16 1,000 77 400,000
1965-67 14 1,000 70 200,000
1968 14 1,000 6 75.25 200,000
1969 14 1,000 6 77 200,000
1970 14 1,000 6 71.75 200,000
1971 14 1,000 7 70 200,000
1972-78 814 1,000 7 70 200,000
1979-80 814 2,100 7 70 212,000
1981 8 9 13.825 2,100 7 9 69.125 212,000
1982 8 12 2,100 50 106,000
1983 8 11 2,100 50 106,000
1984 8 11 2,100 50 159,000
1985 8 11 2,180 50 165,480
1986 8 11 2,270 50 171,580
1987 8 11 3,000 38.5 90,000
1988 8 15 29,750 1028 29,750
1989 8 15 30,950 1028 30,950
1990 8 15 32,450 1028 32,450
1991 8 15 34,000 31 82,150
1992 8 15 35,800 31 86,500
1993 8 15 36,900 39.6 250,000
1994 8 15 38,000 39.6 250,000
1995 8 15 39,000 39.6 256,500
1996 8 15 40,100 39.6 263,750
1997 8 15 41,200 39.6 271,050
1998 8 15 42,350 39.6 278,450
1999 8 15 43,050 39.6 283,150
2000 8 15 43,850 39.6 288,350
2001 8 15 45,200 39.1 297,350
2002 8 10 12,000 38.6 307,050
200311 8 10 14,000 35.0 311,950
2004 8 10 14,300 35.0 319,100
2005 8 10 14,600 35.0 326,450
2006 8 10 15,100 35.0 336,550
2007 8 10 15,650 35.0 349,700
2008 8 10 16,050 35.0 357,700
16,700 35.0 372,950
16,700 35.0 373,650
17,000 35.0 379,150

1 Taxable income excludes zero bracket amount from 1977 through 1986. Rates shown apply only to married persons filing joint returns beginning in 1948. Does not include either the add on minimum tax on preference items (1970-1982) or the alternative minimum tax (1979-present). Also, does not include the effects of the various tax benefit phase-outs (e.g. the personal exemption phase-out). From 1922 through 1986 and from 1991 forward, lower rates applied to long-term capital gains.

2 After earned-income deduction equal to 25 percent of earned income.

3 After earned-income deduction equal to 10 percent of earned income.

4 Exclusive of Victory Tax.

5 Subject to the following maximum effective rate limitations.

[year and maximum rate (in percent)] 1944-45 –90; 1946-47 –85.5; 1948-49 –77.0; 1950 –87.0; 1951 –87.2; 1952-53 –88.0; 1954-63 –87.0.

6 Includes surcharge of 7.5 percent in 1968, 10 percent in 1969, and 2.6 percent in 1970.

7 Earned income was subject to maximum marginal rates of 60 percent in 1971 and 50 percent from 1972 through 1981.

8 Beginning in 1975, a refundable earned-income credit is allowed for low-income individuals.

9 After tax credit is 1.25 percent against regular tax.

10 The benefit of the first rate bracket is eliminated by an increased rate above certain thresholds. The phase-out range of the benefit of the first rate bracket was as follows: Taxable income between $71,900 and $149,250 in 1988; taxable income between $74,850 and $155,320 in 1989; and taxable income between $78,400 and $162,770 in 1990. The phase-out of the benefit the first rate bracket was repealed for taxable years beginning after December 31, 1990. This added 5 percentage points to the marginal rate for those by the phaseout, producing a 33 percent effective rate.

11 Rates for 2003 are after enactment of the Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act. Prior to enactment the rates were 10% up to $12,000 and 38.6% on amounts over $311,950.

12 The 2011 rates were extended for two years after enactment of the Tax Relief, Unemployment Insurance Reauthorization, and Job Creation Act of 2010.

Sources: Joint Committee on Taxation, “Overview of Present Law and Economic Analysis Relating to Marginal Tax Rates and the President’s Individual Income Tax Rate Proposals” (JCX-6-01), March 6, 2001, and Congressional Research Service, “Statutory Individual Income Tax Rates and Other Elements of the Tax System: 1988 through 2008,” (RL34498) May 21, 2008. Tax Foundation, “Federal Individual Income Tax Rates History: Income Years 1913-2011,”


Paul Samuelson and Tax Policy in the Kennedy

Joseph J. Thorndike

“…Recovery from the recession of 1958 had been anemic. The nation had never
returned to anything like high employment, with more than 5 percent of workers
continually idle: “A most disappointing performance in comparison with earlier
post-war recoveries and desirable social goals.” Such sluggishness threatened to
become permanent, unless Congress did something to foster not just short-term
recovery, but long-term growth.

Expansionary fiscal policy was the only viable solution, Samuelson explained,
because monetary policy was constrained by a chronic balance of payments
deficit. Policymakers should move quickly to increase and accelerate spending
programs that were “desirable for their own sake.” They should also boost
unemployment benefits, foster residential housing construction through various
incentives, and pursue a variety of other socially desirable spending programs,
including urban renewal and natural resource development.

Tax Cuts

Samuelson warned that additional spending might not be
enough to win the battle against recession — and keep it won. In that case, the
nation must turn to a second line of economic defense: tax cuts. Samuelson
understood that expansionary tax cuts were controversial, not least because they
seemed to flout the hoary traditions of fiscal conservatism. If deficits were a
natural byproduct of recession, then making them even bigger by slashing tax
rates seemed rash — at least to many policymakers.

But Samuelson directly challenged such atavistic orthodoxies. Deficits that
arose from stimulatory fiscal policy were not just tolerable, but desirable.
They had to be distinguished, he insisted, from shortfalls brought on by
excessive spending:

The deficits that come automatically from recession or which are a necessary part of a determined effort to restore the economic system to health are quite different phenomena [from deficits driven by out-of-control spending].They are signs that our automatic built-in stabilizers are working, and that we no longer will run the risk of going into one of the great depressions that characterized our economic history before the war.

In the face of persistently high unemployment, policymakers should enact temporary tax cuts,
Samuelson advised. “Congress could legislate, for example, a cut of three or
four percentage points in the tax rate applicable to every income class, to take
effect immediately under our withholding system, in March or April and to
continue until the end of the year,” he wrote. Also, the president might be
granted authority to extend those tax cuts for six months or a year after their
initial expiration.

Tax cuts must be temporary, however, if only to preserve the nation’s
long-term fiscal health. “With the continued international uncertainty and with
new public programs coming up in the years ahead,” Samuelson wrote, “sound
finance may require a maintenance of our present tax structure, and any
weakening of it in order to fight a recession might be tragic.”

The report left room for more permanent reductions in personal income tax
rates, which most economists considered excessively high. But such cuts should
be part of more fundamental tax reform, including efforts to broaden the tax
base by reducing preferences. That sort of tax program should be advanced on its
own merits, Samuelson wrote, not as part of an antirecession package.

A Moderate Manifesto

Samuelson’s report was ambitious, but it
was hardly radical. By stressing a few relatively moderate spending increases —
and the acceleration of existing spending programs — it sought to draft
expansionary fiscal policy out of existing spending priorities. It also stressed
that major new spending programs should await further analysis of the
economic situation.

“It is just as important to know what not to do as to know what to do,” the
report noted. “What is definitely not called for in the present situation is a
massive program of hastily devised public works whose primary purpose is merely
that of making jobs and getting money pumped into the economy.” The New Deal was
replete with such spending, but 1961 was not 1933. There was no need to “push
the panic button and resort to inefficient spending devices,” the report said.

The Samuelson report received a generally warm welcome, especially from the
press. Most observers seemed to understand that it was carefully designed to put
a moderate face on Democratic policies, and they valued the effort. Still, not
everyone was convinced that it would succeed. “The recommendations, of course,
are those of a small group of men operating independently of the many political
and bureaucratic factors that go into the formation of national policy,” The
New York Times
observed. “That gives the recommendations the virtue of being
relatively ‘pure,’ but it also makes them subject to some revision in the
government wringer.”9


Economics USA, Fiscal Policy

The Kennedy Tax Cut John F. Kennedy took office as the country was
already beginning its recovery from the Recession of 1960, but unemployment
remained high. Kennedy’s advisors realized the government would soon be taking
in ore than it was spending. That surplus would stop economic growth, well short
of full employment. That could be corrected in two ways: by tax cuts or
increased expenditures. Kennedy was committed to tax cuts despite calls from
John Kenneth Galbraith, a long-time friend, who lobbied that social programs on
the behalf of the poor were in need of more support. The Treasury Department was
dubious about a big tax-cut and wanted only a 4 billion cut. Kennedy advisor and
chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors Walter Heller was pushing for a 12
billion cut. Kennedy tried to sell the $12 billion tax-cut to a reluctant
congress. Congress passed the Kennedy tax program following his death. The
economy immediately took off in a burst of prosperity.

Comment and
Analysis by Richard Gill.
What the tax cut did was simply give more
disposable income to consumers. It shifted private spending up. The gap between
spending and full employment was eradicated.. The apparent success of the
tax-cut of 1964 was hailed by many as a total vindication of Keynesian ideas


Economic Policy and the Road to Serfdom: The Watershed of 1913
Brian Domitrovic

“…The answer to the first question is that the saved pay did not retain its value, meaning that one cannot really hold that there had been a true return to full employment during the war. From 1944 to 1948, the United States experienced inflation of 42 percent (the Fed had been expansionist again), devaluing savings accrued before that time. Moreover, redemptions of U.S. war bonds (where so much of workers’ pay had gone during World War II) were taxed at one’s marginal income tax rate, and rates were jacked up across the board, the top one reaching 91 percent. Therefore, when World War II employees redeemed the bonds after the war, the World War II employer—the government—recovered much of what it had laid out in pay to its workers. A conservative estimate is that given inflation and taxes, the average World War II worker lost half of his or her pay to the government. In economic terms, this means that World War II solved the unemployment problem of the 1930s only half as much as is commonly supposed.

As for the second question, GDP fell precipitously from 1944 to 1947, by 13 percent, as prices soared. This was a clear indication that the growth of the war years was artificial. Nonetheless, living standards improved, as the real sector made huge inroads into the government’s share of economic production. Then a transition hit: the postwar inflation stopped. This occurred because the U.S. government focused on its commitment to the world made at the 1944 Bretton Woods conference that it would not overproduce the dollar so as to jeopardize the $35 gold price. And when Republicans won control of Congress in 1946, they insisted on getting a tax cut; they finally passed it over President Harry Truman’s veto in April 1948. The institutions of 1913 had signaled a posture of retreat.

That is when postwar prosperity got going. From 1947 to 1953, growth rolled in at the old familiar rate of 4.6 percent per annum, as unemployment dived and prices stayed at par except for a strange 8 percent burst just as the Korean War started.

Taxes were still high, however, with rates that started at 20 percent and peaked at 91 percent. When recession hit in 1953, a chorus rose that they be hacked away. But for the eight years of his presidency, Dwight D. Eisenhower resisted these calls for tax relief. Despite the common myth of “Eisenhower prosperity,” the years 1953 to 1960 saw economic growth far below the old par, at only 2.4 percent, and there were three recessions during this period. Monetary policy, for its part, was unremarkable. Once again the coincidence held: unremarkable monetary policy and aggressive tax policy led to a half-baked result.

Much ink has been spilled on how the JFK tax cuts of 1962 and 1964 were “Keynesian” and “demand-side.” Whatever we want to call the policy mix of the day, in the JFK and early Lyndon B. Johnson years, fiscal and monetary policy clearly retreated. Income taxes got cut across the board, with every rate in the Eisenhower structure going down, the top from 91 percent to 70 percent, the bottom from 20 percent to 14 percent. And monetary policy zeroed in (at least through 1965) on a stable value of the dollar, with the gold price and the price level sticking at par after making startling moves up with the final Eisenhower recessions. The results: from 1961 to 1968, real U.S. growth was 5.1 percent yearly; unemployment hit peacetime lows; and inflation held in the heroic 1 percent range before the latter third of the period, when it began creeping up by a point a year. The real effects inspired slogans. If four decades prior had been the “Roaring ’20s,” these were the “Swingin’ ’60s” and “The Go-Go Years.”

At the end of the decade, however, the government loudly signaled a reversal in fiscal and monetary policy. The Fed volunteered that it would finance budget deficits, and LBJ pleaded for and got an income tax surcharge, soon accompanied (under Richard M. Nixon) by an increase in the capital-gains rate on the order of 100 percent. This two-front reassertion of fiscal and monetary policy held for a dozen years. The nickname eventually given to that period, in view of the real effects, was the “stagflation era” (for stagnation plus inflation). From 1969 to 1982, real GDP went to half that of the Go-Go Years, to 2.46 percent; the price level tripled (with gold going up twentyfold); average unemployment roughly doubled to 7.5 percent; three double-dip recessions occurred; and stocks and bonds suffered a 75 percent real loss. It was the worst decade of American macroeconomic history save the 1930s …”


How the Government Dealt With Past Recessions

Since the Great Depression, presidents have frequently experimented with Keynesian economics to combat recessions. Three economists chronicle the history of government policy during past recessions and explain what worked and what didn’t.
“…In making a major cut in federal income taxes the centerpiece of his program,
George w. Bush has followed two influential precedents, one of Democratic
Presidents Kennedy and Johnson in 1962-64 and the other of course that of
Republican President Reagan in 1981. Candidate Bob Dole obeyed Republican
tradition by proposing in his 1996 campaign a 15% across-the-board cut in income
tax rates. Instead the reelection of Bill Clinton continued the regime of fiscal
discipline and monetary wisdom begun by Treasury Secretary Rubin and Federal
Reserve Chairman Greenspan in 1993. The economy and the federal budget were
doing so well in election year 2000 that it seemed unlikely that young Mr. Bush
could be elected, much less succeed in reviving Reaganomic fiscal policies. Yet
now in 2001 it seems quite probable that a substantial permanent cut in income
taxes will be enacted, along with an emergency package to encourage spending
soon this year.
The story of macroeconomic and fiscal developments over the last
forty years is an amalgam of economic theory, politics, and ideology. I admit to
being both a Keynesian and a neoclassical economist and both a liberal and a
conservative in public policy. I was an adviser to President Kennedy, and an
informal consultant to other Democratic candidates. Win or lose, my advice was
very often not taken. In 1962-64, when JFK first considered and then recommended
cutting taxes, the economy was hesitantly recovering from the 1959-60 recession.
Kennedy’s first measures were incentives for business plant and equipment
investments, accelerated depreciation allowances and tax credits. The major tax
legislation, in 1964, was intended to keep the recovery from petering out
prematurely. Unemployment had fallen from 7% at JFK’s inauguration in 1961 to
the 5-6% range, but the Administration’s target was 4%. It was reached in 1965.
The stimulus of the tax cut was unexpectedly augmented by spending for Vietnam.
The combined spending was excessive, reducing unemployment a point below the 4%
target and unleashing unwelcome inflation in 1966-68. President Johnson
belatedly and reluctantly was persuaded to prevail on the Congress to raise
taxes temporarily in 1968. It was too late, and the Nixon Administration
inherited a difficult economy. Moral: unforeseen events may make you regret a
permanent loss of federal revenue, and it is awfully difficult ever to raise
taxes. This is even truer now that any tax increase is a deadly sin in the
litany of the G.O.P.

Ronald Reagan’s tax cut took effect at the depths of the worst
recession since World War II. Unemployment had hit double digits. This was the
cost of the crusade of the Federal Reserve under Chairman Paul Volcker against
an inflation that itself had in 1979-80 hit double digits. The tax cut was a big
stimulus to consumer and business spending, reinforced by Reagan’s buildup of
the U.S. military.

The period 1981-88 was one of recovery from the recession,
bringing unemployment back down to 6%. The high year-to-year rates of increase
of economic activity and real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) during such
business-cycle upswings reflect the re-employment of idle resources, both
workers and industrial capacity. This additional output growth is the essence of
prosperity. But this pace cannot be sustained. Once the economy returns to full
employment, the economy can grow only at its long-run sustainable rates of
increase in the supplies of economic resources and, especially, in their

The architects of Reaganomics styled themselves Supply-Siders.
They scorned the Demand-Side theories and policies they attributed to John
Maynard Keynes and to his “liberal” followers, whom they held responsible for
the stagflation of the 1970s. In their view the Federal Reserve could and should
control inflation by stabilizing the supply of money, as preached in the
Monetarism of Milton Friedman. Keynesians were, they argued, dangerously wrong
to think that demand-side stimuli to spending could lift employment, GDP, and
economic welfare. Instead what the country needs are policies to enhance supply,
in particular by lowering taxes, providing incentives to work, save, innovate,
take risks. That was the spirit and the purpose of Reagan fiscal policy.

In practice Reaganomics turned out to be the biggest and most
successful Demand-side fiscal gambit in peacetime U.S. history. What it was not
was what it was intended to be, a Supply-side transformation of the economy.
There was zero evidence that the American economy’s capacity to produce goods
and services at full employment was any greater at the end of the
eighties than would have been prophesied a decade earlier without Reagan fiscal
policy. The trend of productivity growth was the same as before.

These Supply-side failures may seem surprising, since income tax
cuts were meant to embody incentives for more productive and innovative
behavior. Unfortunately these cuts in tax rates also bring windfalls for
behavior that already took place. For example, offering concessions for capital
gains on future acquisitions of assets might be socially useful, while reducing
taxes on gains realized on holdings bought years ago clearly is not. The test is
whether the taxpayer must in order to benefit change his behavior in the desired
supply-side direction. If yes, the touted incentives work. If no, the individual
taxpayers’ gains have to be defended otherwise, as deserved and just.
Undergraduate microeconomics students know the difference between the “income
effects” and “substitution effects” of variations in prices or taxes. The
substitution effects are responses to incentives, but they are often outweighed
by income effects in the perverse direction. Income effects may sometimes be
what the doctor ordered, more consumer spending. But those effects can overwhelm
Supply-side objectives. A cut in marginal income tax rates may elicit more work
from some taxpayers, but workers whose taxes are reduced anyway may take some of
their gains in leisure. The same objections apply to tax credits intended to
induce desirable behavior, for example saving or paying school and college
tuitions. These devices have long been favorites of politicians in both
parties. …”


Econ 101: How do Tax Cuts Work?

Despite the medias portrayal, tax cuts for the rich arent bad and they boost the economy.

By Gary Wolfram, Ph.D.


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Obama’s Favorite Television Program Growing Up Impacts Space Program–Astronauts Blast Obama’s Uninspired Second Rate Space Strategy–Destroys Jobs!

Posted on July 6, 2010. Filed under: Blogroll, College, Communications, Computers, Economics, Education, Employment, Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, government, government spending, People, Philosophy, Politics, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , |


“We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.”  

~President John F. Kennedy

 “[Obama] charged me with three things: One was he wanted me to help re-inspire children to want to get into science and math, he wanted me to expand our international relationships, and third, and perhaps foremost, he wanted me to find a way to reach out to the Muslim world and engage much more with dominantly Muslim nations to help them feel good about their historic contribution to science, math, and engineering”…  

~Charles Bolden, NASA Administrator 

I Dream of Jeannie Min…: Guess What Happened On the Way to the Moon?

NASA’s Black Hole Budget


Obama’s Plan for NASA : Forget Space, Improve Relations With Muslim World

Hannity: Why don’t Muslims tell Americans they love us?


Why is NASA cancelling the Constellation program?


MSNBC Anchor Spins for Obama after NBC Reporter Slams Him for NASA Cuts

Michael Savage on Obama’s NASA cost cutting

Barack Obama – Narcissist or Merely Narcissistic?

Mark Levin Show [4-19-10] MSNBC’s Alex Witt Openly Defends Obama’s NASA Policy


Neil Armstrong Challenges Obama’s Plans for NASA

Buzz Aldrin on Space Program – April 15, 2010

SR 13d March 31, 2010, NASA and Big Banks

NASA’s new Constellation program has been canceled – The future is unknown

The Future of Nasa – 11 news reporter Alex Sanz

Shuttle Veterans Worry about Future of US Space Flight

NASA Icons Blast Obama’s Space Program Plans

Laying out NASA Plans, Obama shoots Past the Moon

The Destruction of NASA

Glenn Beck – Dr. Phil Takes Over NASA


JFK – We choose to go to the Moon, full length

“Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, ‘Because it is there.’ Well, space is there, and we’re going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God’s blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.”  

-John F. Kennedy, Rice University, Sept. 12, 1962


A human colony on the moon followed by a landing on Mars would inspire humans around the world to consider  science and engineering careers.  

Using the space program to improve Moslem self-esteem is frankly nuts.  

Send them this video instead:  

An Inspirational Video 1 – The Law Of Attraction

Maybe this video will stop suicide bombers attacking Americans.  

The video might even inspire Obama out of his self-absorbed narcissism.  

The Culture of Narcissism  

President Obama is destroying jobs, wrecking the economy and killing the American Dream.  

Who recruited Barack Obama?  

Follow the money and ask who benefits the most?  

Glenn Beck: Obama is a Pawn & A Hired Hand (Joel Rogers & Andy Stern)

Key Obama Alley Progressive Joel Rogers Calls Capitalism Monstrous

The progressive radical socialists of the Democratic Party led by Barack Obama are America’s new fifth column.  

FDR Warns of Fifth Column 1940/5/27



Background Articles and Videos

NASA to boost Muslim self-esteem?

Rick Moran

“…This is a truly remarkable video found at Powerline of NASA administrator Charles Bolden telling al-Jazeera that NASA is now tasked “to find a way to reach out to the Muslim world and engage much more with predominantly Muslim nations to help them feel good about their historic contribution to science, math, and engineering.”   

“…But why NASA? Why not let the State Department “reach out” to the Muslim world and make them feel better about being left behind when the scientific revolution culminated in manned spaceflight?  

One might note that the Iranian bomb is being developed by scientists almost exclusively educated in the west, as well as western educated scientists from Pakistan and North Korea, with the possible assistance of Russian engineers. Those educated in Muslim countries are using texts written by westerners, and are doing science that was first performed in Europe and America.  

That’s ok. I’m sure NASA will make up some kind of multi-cultural nonsense to turn history on its head in order to make our Muslim brothers and sisters feel better about the fact that Islam is incompatible in many ways with modern scientific inquiry. To those who would argue otherwise, I give you a nation of Holocaust deniers despite the overwhelming historical evidence to the contrary. …”  



John F. Kennedy and the Space Program


JFK-Secret societies PT1 – Unedited

Obama’s NASA Chief, Charles Bolden, Discusses the Future of America’s Space Program Part 1 of 2


Rush: Obama’s A ‘Man-Child Narcissist’ Who Puts His Pants On One Leg At A Time — Like Hillary


JFK-Secret societies PT2 – Unedited

Prof. Christopher Lasch on Progress. 1/5

narcissistic personality disorder

Prof. Christopher Lasch on Progress. 3/5

Prof. Christopher Lasch on Progress. 4/5

Prof. Christopher Lasch on Progress. 5/5

Christopher Lasch  

“…Christopher (Kit) Lasch (June 1, 1932, Omaha, Nebraska – February 14, 1994, Pittsford, New York) was a well-known American historian, moralist, and social critic. …”  

“…Lasch’s earliest argument, anticipated partly by his mentor Richard Hofstadter’s concern with the cycles of fragmentation among radical movements in the United States, was that American radicalism had at some point in the past become socially untenable. Members of “the Left” had abandoned their former commitments to economic justice and suspicion of power, to assume professionalized roles and to support commoditized lifestyles which hollowed out communities’ self-sustaining ethics. His first major book, The New Radicalism in America: The Intellectual as a Social Type, published in 1965 (with a promotional blurb from Hofstadter), expressed those ideas in the form of a bracing critique of twentieth-century liberalism’s efforts to accrue power and restructure society, while failing to follow up on the promise of the New Deal.[7] Most of his books, even the more strictly historical ones, include such sharp criticism of the priorities of alleged “radicals” who represented merely extreme formations of a rapacious capitalist ethos.  

Lasch’s most famous work, The Culture of Narcissism (1979), sought to relate the hegemony of modern-day capitalism to an encroachment of a “therapeutic” mindset into social and family life similar to that already theorized by Philip Rieff. Lasch posited that social developments in the 20th century (e.g., World War II and the rise of consumer culture in the years following) gave rise to a narcissistic personality structure, in which individuals’ fragile self-concepts had led, among other things, to a fear of commitment and lasting relationships (including religion), a dread of aging (i.e., the 1960s and 1970s “youth culture”) and a boundless admiration for fame and celebrity (nurtured initially by the motion picture industry and furthered principally by television). He claimed, further, that this personality type conformed to structural changes in the world of work (e.g., the decline of agriculture and manufacturing in the U.S. and the emergence of the “information age”). With those developments, he charged, inevitably there arose a certain therapeutic sensibility (and thus dependence) that, inadvertently or not, undermined older notions of self-help and individual initiative. By the 1970s even pleas for “individualism” were desperate and essentially ineffectual cries which expressed a deeper lack of meaningful individuality.  

Most explicitly in The True and Only Heaven, Lasch developed a critique of social change among the middle classes in the U.S., explaining and seeking to counteract the fall of elements of “populism.” He sought to rehabilitate this populist or producerist alternative tradition:  

“The tradition I am talking about … tends to be skeptical of programs for the wholesale redemption of society… It is very radically democratic and in that sense it clearly belongs on the Left. But on the other hand it has a good deal more respect for tradition than is common on the Left, and for religion too.[8]  

and said that  

“…any movement that offers any real hope for the future will have to find much of its moral inspiration in the plebeian radicalism of the past and more generally in the indictment of progress, large-scale production and bureaucracy that was drawn up by a long line of moralists whose perceptions were shaped by the producers’ view of the world” [9]  

By the 1980s, Lasch had poured scorn on the whole spectrum of contemporary mainstream American political thought, angering liberals with attacks on progressivism and feminism, and arousing distrust among conservative intellectuals who recognized (as was not always obvious, given his scathing critiques of liberals) that he thought even less of them. Liberal journalist Susan Faludi dubbed him explicitly anti-feminist for his criticism of the abortion rights movement and opposition to divorce. [10] But Lasch viewed Ronald Reagan’s conservatism as the antithesis of tradition and moral responsibility. Lasch was not generally sympathetic to the cause of what was then known as the New Right, particularly those elements of classical liberalism (or libertarianism, in modern parlance) most evident in its platform; he detested the encroachment of the capitalist marketplace into all aspects of American life. Lasch rejected the dominant political constellation that emerged in the wake of the New Deal in which economic centralization and social tolerance formed the foundations of American liberal ideals, while also rebuking the diametrically-opposed synthetic conservative ideology fashioned by William F. Buckley, Jr. and Russell Kirk in the years following World War II. Lasch also was surprisingly critical and at times dismissive toward his closest contemporary kin in social philosophy, communitarianism as elaborated by Amitai Etzioni. Only populism satisfied Lasch’s criteria of economic justice (not necessarily equality, but minimizing class-based difference), participatory democracy, strong social cohesion and moral rigor; yet populism had made major mistakes during the New Deal and increasingly been co-opted by its enemies and ignored by its friends. For instance, he praised the early work and thought of Martin Luther King as exemplary of American populism; yet in Lasch’s view, King fell short of this radical vision by embracing in the last few years of his life an essentially bureaucratic solution to ongoing racial stratification. …”  



Barbara Eden


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Stand Up For Freedom–Ezra Taft Benson–On Progressive Radical Socialism and Barack Obama–Videos

Posted on April 29, 2010. Filed under: Blogroll, Communications, Culture, Demographics, Economics, Education, Employment, Energy, Farming, Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, Foreign Policy, government, Health Care, Immigration, Language, Law, liberty, Life, Links, media, People, Philosophy, Politics, Quotations, Rants, Raves, Regulations, Religion, Security, Strategy, Taxes, Technology, Video, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

Stand up for Freedom – Part 1 – Ezra Taft Benson

Stand up for Freedom – Part 2 – Ezra Taft Benson

Stand up for Freedom – Part 3 – Ezra Taft Benson

Stand up for Freedom – Part 4 – Ezra Taft Benson

Stand up for Freedom – Part 5 – Ezra Taft Benson

Stand up for Freedom – Part 6 – Ezra Taft Benson

Wisdom is prescience as this address is both.

Should be required listening to all those who are friends of freedom.

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Ezra Taft Benson

“…Ezra Taft Benson (August 4, 1899 – May 30, 1994) was the thirteenth president of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) from 1985 until his death and was United States Secretary of Agriculture for both terms of the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower.

Born on a farm in Whitney, Idaho, Benson was the oldest of eleven children. He was the great grandson of another Ezra Taft Benson, now known as “Ezra T. Benson”, who was appointed by Brigham Young as a member of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles from 1846 on. Beginning his academic career at Utah State University, he was a 1926 graduate of Brigham Young University (after serving a church mission in Britain from 1921 to 1923). He received his masters degree from Iowa State University and did preliminary work on a doctorate at the University of California at Berkeley, but never completed this degree. Benson pursued a career in agriculture and later served in many church leadership positions. Just after receiving his masters he returned to Whitney to run the family farm, but later became the county agriculture extension agent. In 1926 he married Flora Smith Amussen; they had six children.

In 1939, when he was president of the church’s Boise, Idaho, stake and working for the University of Idaho Extension Service, he moved to Washington, D.C. to become Executive Secretary of the National Council of Farmer Cooperatives, and became the first president of a new LDS Church stake there.

In August, 1989, he received the Presidential Citizens Medal from President George H. W. Bush. …”


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Posted on April 2, 2010. Filed under: Quotations, Rants, Raves, Regulations, Strategy, Talk Radio, Taxes, Video, War, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , |

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Your life may depend upon it.

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“…MILLER: It’s like that line from “Sympathy for the Devil,” by the Rolling Stones: “I shouted out, ‘Who killed the Kennedys?’/When after all, it was you and me.”

PIERESON: Yes, that song reflected a deep belief in liberal culture, that somehow “we” had killed the Kennedy’s — when in fact an anti-American Communist killed President Kennedy and a Palestinian nationalist killed Robert Kennedy, both in retaliation for American policies abroad. Oswald killed President Kennedy to interrupt his efforts to eliminate Castro; Sirhan killed Robert Kennedy because of Kennedy’s support for Israel. The irrationality of this belief was connected to the unraveling of liberalism, demonstrating that liberalism was not the rational doctrine that it claimed to be.  …”


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It has now been more than forty years since President John F. Kennedy was assassinated on the streets of Dallas on November 22, 1963. No event in the post-war era, not even the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has cast such a long shadow over our national life. The murder of the handsome and vigorous president shocked the nation to its core, and shook the faith of many Americans in their institutions and way of life. The repercussions from that event continue to be felt down to the present day. Looking back, it is now clear that Kennedy’s death marked a historical crossroads after which point events began to move in surprising and destructive directions.

In Camelot and the Cultural Revolution: How the Assassination of John F. Kennedy Shattered American Liberalism, James Piereson examines this seminal event from an entirely new and provocative point of view. Most books on the assassination take up the question as to who was really responsible for killing the President. Mr. Piereson takes it as established fact that Kennedy was killed by Lee Harvey Oswald.

What needs to be explained, he argues, is the bizarre aftermath of the assassination: Why in the years after the assassination did the American Left become preoccupied with conspiratorial thinking? How and why was John F. Kennedy transformed in death into a liberal icon and a martyr for civil rights? In what way was the assassination linked to the collapse of mid-century liberalism, a doctrine which until 1963 was the reigning philosophy of the nation? In answering these questions, Piereson places great weight on the influence of Jacqueline Kennedy in shaping public memory of her husband andthe meaning of his death. The Kennedy assassination, he argues, is a case study in public myth-making and the ways in which images and symbols can override fact and substance in political life. …”












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A Fiscally Responsible President or The Flim-Flam Man–Never Trust A Lying Radical Socialist!

New Presidential Helicopters Modified for Conformal Fuel Tanks That Will Dispense Money!

President Obama’s Internet Attack On The American Family, Marriage and Values

Cap and Trade Carbon Dioxide Tax: Gore’s and Obama’s Revenge on The American People–Let Them Freeze and Sweat!

Al Gore 2.0 and The Coming Renewable Energy Ice Age–The Big Chill

Barrack Obama’s Kansas Values–Killing Babies in Cold Blood?

Eugenics, Planned Parenthood, Population Control, and Designer Babies–Videos

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Progressive Radical Socialists Destroying The Democratic Party–What A Difference A Year Makes!

Posted on January 19, 2010. Filed under: Communications, Culture, Economics, government spending, history, Law, liberty, Life, Links, media, Music, People, Philosophy, Politics, Uncategorized | Tags: , , , , , , |

Thelma & Louise Ending

“Without debate, without criticism, no administration and no country can succeed — and no republic can survive.”

~John F. Kennedy


Glenn Beck-01-19-10-A

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Glenn Beck-01-19-10-C

Glenn Beck-01-19-10-D

Glenn Beck-01-19-10-E

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Glenn Beck-01-19-10-G

Birthday by The Beatles

 Background Articles and Videos


John F Kennedy Pt.1 Secret Society Speech


John F Kennedy Pt.2 Secret Society Speech

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Kennedy –“I am a Berliner”–King–“I Have A Dream”–Reagan –“Tear Down This Wall!”–Obama–“I’m Going To Play Some Golf!”

Posted on November 9, 2009. Filed under: Blogroll, Communications, Culture, Foreign Policy, Language, Law, liberty, Life, Links, media, Philosophy, Politics, Quotations, Rants, Raves, Video, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , |




“Where there was once only a dark wall, a door suddenly opened and we all walked through it: onto the streets, into the churches, across the borders.”

“Everyone was given the chance to build something new, to make a difference, to venture a new beginning.” 

~Angela Merkel, German Chancellor from former East Germany


Germany Invites Obama to celebrate the fall of the Berlin wall – Obama says “sorry, too busy



Kennedy – I am a Berliner – Ich Bin Ein Berliner



Martin Luther King Jr – I Have a Dream



Reagan at Brandenburg Gate – “tear down this wall”


Obama at White House–“I’m Going To Play Some Golf”

Nov. 9, 1989: The Berlin Wall Falls



CBC Archives: Berlin Wall Falls, 1989

Why did President Obama turn down an invitation by German Chancellor Merkle to speak at the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall?


Golf before Germans.

Me before country.

What event will mark the fall of progressive radical socialism in the United States?

President Obama not being relected for a second term as President!

Tea Party Time.

Background Articles and Videos 

Why Obama Won’t Go to Berlin
Obama’s failure to go to Berlin is the most telling nonevent of his presidency.

By Rich Lowry

“…In his first year in office, Barack Obama has visited more foreign countries than any other president. He’s touched ground in 16 countries, easily outpacing Bill Clinton (three) and George W. Bush (eleven). It’s an itinerary befitting a “citizen of the world.”

But there’s one stop Obama won’t make. He has begged off going to Berlin next week to attend ceremonies commemorating the fall of the Berlin Wall. His schedule is reportedly too crowded. John F. Kennedy famously told Berliners, “Ich bin ein Berliner.” On the 20th anniversary of the last century’s most stirring triumph of freedom, Obama is telling them, “Ich bin beschäftigt” — i.e., I’m busy.

It doesn’t have quite the same ring, does it? Obama’s failure to go to Berlin is the most telling nonevent of his presidency. It’s hard to imagine any other American president eschewing the occasion. Only Obama — with his dismissive view of the Cold War as a relic distorting our thinking and his attenuated commitment to America’s exceptional role in the world — would spurn German chancellor Angela Merkel’s invitation to attend. …”



Fall fo the Berlin Wall remembered in Berlin on the 20th anniversary of the end of European Communism

Deborah Cole

“…German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who will also host leaders including Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and French President Nicolas Sarkozy, recalled that the end of Europe’s postwar division came as an utter surprise.

“The 20th anniversary of the fall of the Wall should remind us all what incredible luck we had with the reunification of Europe and Germany,” Ms Merkel, who grew up in communist East Germany, told the Bild newspaper in an interview to be published tomorrow.

On the night of November 9, 1989, following weeks of pro-democracy protests, the Stalinist state’s authorities suddenly opened the border.

After 28 years as prisoners of their own country, euphoric East Germans streamed to checkpoints and rushed past bewildered guards, many falling tearfully into the arms of West Germans welcoming them on the other side.

Germans were already out in force along the former route of the barrier which had cleaved the city in half, inspecting 1000 giant dominoes that will be toppled as part of the ceremony. …”



The Berlin Wall

“…The Berlin Wall (German: Berliner Mauer) was a concrete barrier erected by the German Democratic Republic (GDR) (East Germany) that completely encircled the city of West Berlin, separating it from East Germany, including East Berlin. The Wall included guard towers placed along large concrete walls, which circumscribed a wide area (later known as the “death strip”) that contained anti-vehicle trenches, “fakir beds” and other defenses.

The separate and much longer inner German Border (the IGB) demarcated the border between East and West Germany. Both borders came to symbolize the Iron Curtain between Western Europe and the Eastern Bloc.

Prior to the Wall’s erection, 3.5 million East Germans had avoided Eastern Bloc emigration restrictions and escaped into West Germany, many over the border between East and West Berlin. During its existence from 1961 to 1989, the Wall stopped almost all such emigration and separated the GDR from West Berlin for more than a quarter of a century.[1] After its erection, around 5,000 people attempted to escape over the wall, with estimates of the resulting death toll varying between around 100 and 200.

During a revolutionary wave sweeping across the Eastern Bloc, the East German government announced on November 9, 1989, after several weeks of civil unrest, that all GDR citizens could visit West Germany and West Berlin. Crowds of East Germans climbed onto and crossed the wall, joined by West Germans on the other side in a celebratory atmosphere. Over the next few weeks, parts of the wall were chipped away by a euphoric public and by souvenir hunters; industrial equipment was later used to remove almost all of the rest. The fall of the Berlin Wall paved the way for German reunification, which was formally concluded on October 3, 1990. …”



The Wall (1962) / Berlin Wall Documentary Film Video

Rise and fall of the Berlin wall


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A Common Honest Mistake: –Give Me A Break

Posted on January 27, 2009. Filed under: Blogroll, Investments, Law, Links, Philosophy, Politics, Quotations, Regulations, Resources, Talk Radio, Taxes, Video | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , |

“An error doesn’t become a mistake until you refuse to correct it.”

~Orlando A. Battista

Pair of Cheaters--Obama and Geithner--They Got Caught--Reward--A Government Job

Pair of Cheaters--Obama and Geithner--They Got Caught--Reward--A Government Job


Mistakes Were Made–we got caught cheating.

Takes one crook to hire another crook.

The ethically challenged administration begins.

Congress should have voted against Geithner appointment as Treasury Secretary.

The American elites will rue the day they allowed this appointment to go through.

Have you no shame?

Apparently not.

Any politician that votes for Timothy Geithner as Treasury Secretary will not be getting my vote.




Tax Cheat


Red State Update: Obama’s Treasury Sec Pick Didn’t Pay Taxes


Obama’s Treasury Pick’s “Mistakes”


GEITHNER: Critical, Careless, Avoidable, Regrettable Mistakes? Seriously?


Obama: Geithner Situation an ‘Embarrassment’


Geithner: Once the IRS audit showed failure to pay taxes, why didnt Geithner correct 2001 and 2002 failure?


Ron Paul Discusses Geithner On Bloomberg TV 01/21/2009


Obama’s Rezko real estate deal


Neal Boortz on Obama Rezko Scam





President John F Kennedy Secret Society Speech version 2


LOL: Red State Update: Obama Week One–Inauguration, Secret Oath



Background Articles and Videos


Inhofe Floor Speech Opposing Geithner Confirmation

Geithner Accepted IMF Reimbursement for Taxes He Didn’t Pay
The problem with the treasury secretary-designate’s tax records.

By Byron York


“…Documents released by the Senate Finance Committee strongly suggest that Geithner knew, or should have known, what he was doing when he did not pay self-employment taxes in 2001, 2002, 2003, and 2004. After his failure to pay was discovered, first by the IRS and later during the vetting process, Geithner paid the federal government a total of $42,702 in taxes and interest.

The IMF did not withhold state and federal income taxes or self-employment taxes — Social Security and Medicare — from its employees’ paychecks. But the IMF took great care to explain to those employees, in detail and frequently, what their tax responsibilities were. First, each employee was given the IMF Employee Tax Manual. Then, employees were given quarterly wage statements for the specific purpose of calculating taxes. Then, they were given year-end wage statements. And then, each IMF employee was required to file what was known as an Annual Tax Allowance Request. Geithner received all those documents.

The tax allowance has turned out to be a key part of the Geithner situation. This is how it worked. IMF employees were expected to pay their taxes out of their own money. But the IMF then gave them an extra allowance, known as a “gross-up,” to cover those tax payments. This was done in the Annual Tax Allowance Request, in which the employee filled out some basic information — marital status, dependent children, etc. — and the IMF then estimated the amount of taxes the employee would owe and gave the employee a corresponding allowance.

At the end of the tax allowance form were the words, “I hereby certify that all the information contained herein is true to the best of my knowledge and belief and that I will pay the taxes for which I have received tax allowance payments from the Fund.” Geithner signed the form. He accepted the allowance payment. He didn’t pay the tax. For several years in a row. …”







Top Ten Disturbing Aspects of Obama’s Choice of Treasury Secretary

“…4. Press coverage

The Associated Press and other media outlets relentlessly drone on about tax “discrepancies,” “tax goofs,” and the nomination’s supposed inevitability. Geithner’s partial reimbursements for taxes he didn’t pay and the related false attestations, which York obtained from Senate sources, are being ignored. There is no chance that a GOP president could nominate someone with Geithner’s tax problems for any cabinet position, let alone Treasury secretary, and get such a pass from the press.

3. Possible press conflicts of interest

Cliff Kincaid at Accuracy in Media points out that some press outlets are parts of larger firms with financial stakes in the financial bailout. Example: General Electric, which owns NBC, also owns bailout recipient GE Capital. GE CEO Jeffrey Inmelt is also on the New York Fed’s board.

2. Disparate treatment of previously pulled nominees

Zoe Baird (Clinton, 1993), Kimba Wood (Clinton, 1993), and Linda Chavez (Bush, 2001) all had relatively minor or potential issues with self-employment taxes on household help. Geithner’s unpaid amounts were exponentially larger. Is there a whiff of male chauvinism in the air?

1. Barack Obama’s reaction

No president in my lifetime would have dared to nominate Geithner. But “44″ Obama calls Geithner’s problems a mere “embarrassment.”

It leaves you wondering if anyone in Washington knows or cares about the difference between right and wrong. We’re expected to overlook Geithner’s problems because he is supposedly the only person in a nation of 200 million adults who can do the job. Give me a break.

If he really knows the pertinent facts, Barack Obama’s ringing defense of Geithner should cause the American people to question his fundamental “judgment to lead.” …”



Wall Street Rapes America, Edition 9

“…Wall Street is a very tough place, if you don’t know what is going on, your money will be taken from you. I can’t think of a more outrageous rape of the taxpayer, ever, than the TARP program run by GW Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson. It should be noted that Paulson’s lieutenant in the rape of the taxpayer was Timothy Geithenr, who came up short paying his own personal taxes, but managed to help dole out $350 billion in taxpayer money through TARP and is likely to be confirmed by the Senate today as the new Treasury Secretary.

If you get the sense today that someone is laughing at you behind your back, you’ll be right. It’s Geithner. …”




Giving in to Geithner: The B.O. Republicans bow down

“…he Barack Obama Republicans are Bending Over again.

For weeks, we’ve watched capitulationsist GOP Senators rationalize away Treasury Secretary nominee Tim Geithner’s tax, legal, and bailout failout troubles. Sen. Orrin Hatch insists he’s “very competent.” Sen. Lindsay Graham lectured us not to be “small” about it. Five B.O. Republicans on the Senate Finance Committee supported Geithner, five opposed him.

The final vote is set tonight. And the outcome is preordained (or, as Spike Lee puts it, pre-deortained): Geithner will sail through with token opposition. …”




Beck & Malkin discuss Tax-Cheat Tim Geitner



John Berlau on Timothy Geithner


Who is Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner


Geithner In Trouble?; Tapping The TARP


Obama and Rezko


The King Maker (Axelrod’s Obama)


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Barack Obama–A Reader Not A Leader!

Barack Obama Cult? 

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Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Mao, Castro, Chavez, Ayers–Obama, Biden–Socialist Thieves All!

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ACORN–Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now–Obama’s Red Shirts

Barrack “Taxman” Obama–Yes He Can Take Your Money–But Only You Can Stop Socialism!

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Ask a Greedy Green Government (GGG) Democratic to Pay for Your Gas

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