Archive for July 14th, 2010

Progressive Radical Socialist Racists Play Race Card–Call Tea Party Americans Racists–Really?

Posted on July 14, 2010. Filed under: Blogroll, Communications, Culture, Demographics, Economics, Education, Employment, Federal Government, government, government spending, history, Law, liberty, Life, Links, People, Philosophy, Politics, Raves, Security, Video |

Glenn Beck-07/14/10-B

Glenn Beck-07/14/10-C

Glenn Beck-07/14/10-D

Glenn Beck-07/14/10-E

Glenn Beck-07/14/10-F

Glenn Beck-07/14/10-G

Glenn Beck-07/14/10-I

Background Articles and Videos

 

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Banking Cartel’s Public Relations Campaign Continues:Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke On The Record

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Jeremy Rifkin: The Empathic Civilization (Animated)–Videos

Posted on July 14, 2010. Filed under: Blogroll, Climate, Communications, Computers, Demographics, Economics, Energy, Federal Government, Investments, Law, liberty, Life, Links, media, People, Philosophy, Politics, Raves, Resources, Technology, Video, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , |

  

 

“…Synopsis 

“One of the leading big-picture thinkers of our day” (Utne Reader) delivers his boldest work in this erudite, tough-minded, and far-reaching manifesto.  

Never has the world seemed so completely united-in the form of communication, commerce, and culture-and so savagely torn apart-in the form of war, financial meltdown, global warming, and even the migration of diseases. 

No matter how much we put our minds to the task of meeting the challenges of a rapidly globalizing world, the human race seems to continually come up short, unable to muster the collective mental resources to truly “think globally and act locally.” In his most ambitious book to date, bestselling social critic Jeremy Rifkin shows that this disconnect between our vision for the world and our ability to realize that vision lies in the current state of human consciousness. The very way our brains are structured disposes us to a way of feeling, thinking, and acting in the world that is no longer entirely relevant to the new environments we have created for ourselves. 

The human-made environment is rapidly morphing into a global space, yet our existing modes of consciousness are structured for earlier eras of history, which are just as quickly fading away. Humanity, Rifkin argues, finds itself on the cusp of its greatest experiment to date: refashioning human consciousness so that human beings can mutually live and flourish in the new globalizing society.

In essence, this shift in consciousness is based upon reaching out to others. But to resist this change in human relations and modes of thinking, Rifkin contends, would spell ineptness and disaster in facing the new challenges around us. As theforces of globalization accelerate, deepen, and become ever more complex, the older faith-based and rational forms of consciousness are likely to become stressed, and even dangerous, as they attempt to navigate a world increasingly beyond their reach and control. Indeed, the emergence of this empathetic consciousness has implications for the future that will likely be as profound and far-reaching as when Enlightenment philosophers upended faith-based consciousness with the canon of reason.  …” 

http://search.barnesandnoble.com/The-Empathic-Civilization/Jeremy-Rifkin/e/9781585427659 

  

RSA Animate – Empathic Civilisation

http://comment.rsablogs.org.uk/2010/05/06/rsa-animate-empathic-civilisation/ 

http://fora.tv/2010/05/06/Jeremy_Rifkin_The_Empathic_Civilization_Animated

 

Jeremy Rifkin – The Empathic Civilisation

Authors@Google: Jeremy Rifkin

Doom and Gloom Scare Lecture To Support Cap and Trade Energy Tax Based on the junk science ofClimate Computer Models.

The number one primary cause of climate change is the sun–not humans.

This guy is a slick con man for the progressive radical socialism and the new world order.

Reminds me of Paul Erlick and the Population Bomb and Al Gore.

1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (Part 1)

1972 United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (Part 2)

From the Population Bomb to the Dominant Animal

Tom Turner on Paul Ehrlich

.

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A New Energy regime – by Jeremy Rifkin

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Albert Jay Nock–Isaiah’s Job–Videos

Posted on July 14, 2010. Filed under: Blogroll, Communications, Economics, government, government spending, history, Language, Law, liberty, Life, Links, People, Philosophy, Politics, Quotations, Raves, Taxes, Video, Wisdom | Tags: , , |

“Every prophetic voice is addressed to the masses, and to them alone; the voice of the pulpit, the voice of education, the voice of politics, of literature, drama, journalism — all these are directed towards the masses exclusively, and they marshal the masses in the way that they are going.

One might suggest, therefore, that aspiring prophetical talent may well turn to another field. Sat patriae Priamoque datum — whatever obligation of the kind may be due the masses is already monstrously overpaid. So long as the masses are taking up the tabernacle of Moloch and Chiun, their images, and following the star of their god Buncombe, they will have no lack of prophets to point the way that leadeth to the More Abundant Life; and hence a few of those who feel the prophetic afflatus might do better to apply themselves to serving the Remnant. It is a good job, an interesting job, much more interesting than serving the masses; and moreover it is the only job in our whole civilization, as far as I know, that offers a virgin field.”

Isaiah’s Job | by Albert Jay Nock

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Albert Jay Nock–Our Enemy, The State–Videos

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Albert Jay Nock–Our Enemy, The State–Videos

Posted on July 14, 2010. Filed under: Blogroll, College, Communications, Demographics, Economics, Employment, Raves, Regulations, Resources, Reviews, Security, Strategy, Taxes, Video, War | Tags: , , , , , , , |

 

“…There are two fundamentally opposed means whereby man, requiring sustenance, is impelled to obtain the necessary means for satisfying his desires. These are work and robbery, one’s own labor and the forcible appropriation of the labor of others…. I propose … to call one’s own labor and the equivalent exchange of one’s own labor for the labor of others, the “economic means” for the satisfaction of needs, while the unrequited appropriation of the labor of others will be called the “political means.”

… The state is an organization of the political means. No state, therefore, can come into being until the economic means has created a definite number of objects for the satisfaction of needs, which objects may be taken away or appropriated by warlike robbery.  …”

~Albert Jay Nock

 

Our Enemy The State

By Albert Jay Nock

http://smeedonstate-ism.com/Library/Our%20Enemy,%20the%20State.pdf

 

Our Enemy, The State (Preface) by Albert Jay Nock

 Our Enemy, The State (Part 1/6) by Albert Jay Nock

 

Our Enemy, The State (Part 2/6) by Albert Jay Nock

Our Enemy, The State (Part 3/6) by Albert Jay Nock

Our Enemy, The State (Part 4/6) by Albert Jay Nock

Our Enemy, The State (Part 5/6) by Albert Jay Nock

Our Enemy, The State (Part 6/6) by Albert Jay Nock

“Many now believe that with the rise of the totalitarian State the world has entered upon a new era of barbarism. It has not. The totalitarian State is only the State; the kind of thing it does is only what the State has always done with unfailing regularity, if it had the power to do it, wherever and whenever its own aggrandizement made that kind of thing expedient. Give any State like power hereafter, and put it in like circumstances, and it will do precisely the same kind of thing. The State will unfailingly aggrandize itself, if only it has the power, first at the expense of its own citizens, and then at the expense of anyone else in sight. It has always done so, and always will.”

~Albert Jay Nock 

 

 

Background Articles and Videos

  

  

Mortal Remains
The wisdom and folly in Albert Jay Nock’s anti-statism

JONAH GOLDBERG

“…Nock would have no use for today’s tea parties or talk-radio Jeremiahs of the Right, but he would also scoff at Paul Krugman and roll his eyes at Barack Obama’s talk of hope and change, for he denied that the state was the proper object of hope or a worthwhile agent of change. Moreover, he had contempt for the vast bulk of humanity, the “Neolithic mass” and those who spoke to them. In the dark, or at least darkening, age in which he believed himself to live (Nock died two weeks after Hiroshima), he cared only for the Remnant — a tiny slice of humanity he could describe but not locate. The best way to grasp this idea is to read his 1936 Atlantic essay “Isaiah’s Job” (easily found on the Web). It is one of the oddest and most powerful essays in the history of conservatism. At the end of King Uzziah’s reign in 740 b.c., the prophet Isaiah was tasked with warning the Jews of God’s wrath. But, in Nock’s rephrasing of the Biblical text, God gave this disclaimer: “I suppose perhaps I ought to tell you that it won’t do any good. The official class and their intelligentsia will turn up their noses at you and the masses will not even listen. They will all keep on in their own ways until they carry everything down to destruction, and you will probably be lucky if you get out with your life.”

Isaiah asked why he should even bother, then? “Ah,” the Lord said, “you do not get the point. There is a Remnant there that you know nothing about. They are obscure, unorganized, inarticulate, each one rubbing along as best he can. They need to be encouraged and braced up because when everything has gone completely to the dogs, they are the ones who will come back and build up a new society; and meanwhile, your preaching will reassure them and keep them hanging on. Your job is to take care of the Remnant, so be off now and set about it.” For Nock, the Remnant was his audience. At times, the idea of the Remnant is unapologetically elitist, but in a thoroughly Jeffersonian way. The Remnant were not the “best and brightest,” the most successful, the richest. Rather, they were those occupying the “substratum of right thinking and well doing” (in Matthew Arnold’s words). “Two things you do know, and no more: First, that they exist; second, that they will find you. Except for these two certainties, working for the Remnant means working in impenetrable darkness.”

And it is here that we find an explanation for why Nock is so admired by liberals such as The New Republic’s Franklin Foer and the New York Times’s Sam Tanenhaus: He openly embraced the idea that he couldn’t change anything. History was driven by forces too large to be affected by politics or punditry. Any revolution would result only in a new crop of exploiters and scoundrels eager to pick up where the deposed ones left off. So, Nock figured, why bother with politics? Now what more could today’s liberals ask for from a conservative pundit?

Nock was charming, eccentric, cosmopolitan, and very, very interesting. But his Immortal’s cynicism left him with a self-absorption that amounted to a personal philosophy of muddling through. “Taking his inspiration from those Russians who seemed superfluous to their autocratic nineteenth-century society and sought inspiration in the private sphere, even to the point of writing largely for their desk drawers,” writes Robert Crunden, Nock’s best biographer, “Nock made the essential point: ransack the past for your values, establish a coherent worldview, depend neither on society nor on government insofar as circumstances permitted, keep your tastes simple and inexpensive, and do what you have to do to remain true to yourself.” …”

http://nrd.nationalreview.com/article/?q=NTRjNzA4NDZmNTc3OTk1ZmNmNzM4ZDEwMzEwNjBkYjg=

Revisiting a Libertarian Classic: Nock’s Our Enemy, the State
by <!– put author name below, before tag –>Sheldon Richman,

“…Nock and American history

Nock’s overview of American history is bracing indeed. The standard libertarian view is that, aside from slavery and the tariff, the American political system approached the laissez-faire ideal until things began to go wrong during the Progressive Era, with the pace quickening after the election of Franklin Roosevelt and the advent of the New Deal. (Sometimes the Civil War era is seen as the start of pervasive statism.) Nock doesn’t see it that way, although he pegged the New Deal a monstrous extension of centralized bureaucracy. But for him, things started going wrong much earlier than the Civil War — in fact, right after the American Revolution if not earlier. He saw far more continuity from the colonial to the national period than others have. For Nock, the transition from feudalism to the “merchant-State” (in England) was not a matter of kind, but of degree. To be sure, there were differences between the two, but the essential exploitation of one class by another was present in both cases. In the merchant-State, however, there was more opportunity to enter the exploiting class. You did not have to be born into it. But you did need connections. The English merchant-State was brought to the New World, where it took root and grew into the United States. …”

http://www.fff.org/freedom/fd0603b.asp

Albert Jay Nock

“…Albert Jay Nock (October 13, 1873[1]  – August 19, 1945) was an influential American libertarian author, educational theorist, and social critic of the early and middle 20th century. …”

“…Thought

Describing himself as a philosophical anarchist, Nock called for a radical vision of society free from the influence of the political state. He described the state as that which “claims and exercises the monopoly of crime”. He opposed centralization, regulation, the income tax, and mandatory education, along with what he saw as the degradation of society. He denounced in equal terms all forms of totalitarianism, including “Bolshevism … Fascism, Hitlerism, Marxism, [and] Communism”, but was also harshly critical of democracy. Nock argued instead that, “[t]he practical reason for freedom is that freedom seems to be the only condition under which any kind of substantial moral fiber can be developed – we have tried law, compulsion and authoritarianism of various kinds, and the result is nothing to be proud of.” (“On Doing the Right Thing”, The American Mercury, 1925)

During the 1930s, Nock was one of the most consistent critics of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal programs. In Our Enemy, the State, Nock argued that the New Deal was merely a pretext for the federal government to increase its control over society. He was dismayed that the president had gathered unprecedented power in his own hands and called this development an out-and-out coup d’etat. Nock criticized those who believed that the new regimentation of the economy was temporary, arguing that it would prove a permanent shift. He believed that the inflationary monetary policy of the Republican administrations of the 1920s were responsible for the onset of the Great Depression, and that the New Deal was responsible for perpetuating it.

Nock was also a passionate opponent of war and what he considered the U.S. government’s aggressive foreign policy. He believed that war could bring out only the worst in society, arguing that it led inevitably to collectivization and militarization and “fortified a universal faith in violence; it set in motion endless adventures in imperialism, endless nationalist ambitions,” while, at the same time, costing countless human lives. During the First World War, Nock wrote for The Nation, which was censored by the Wilson administration for opposing the war. Despite his distaste for communism, Nock harshly criticized the U.S. invasion of Russia following the parliamentary revolution and Bolshevik coup in that country. Before the Second World War, Nock wrote a series of articles deploring what he saw as Roosevelt’s gamesmanship and interventionism leading inevitably to U.S. involvement. Nock maintained a principled opposition to the war throughout its course, which was rare at the time.

Despite becoming considerably more obscure in death than he had been in life, Nock was an important influence on the next generation of American thinkers, including libertarians such as Murray Rothbard, Frank Chodorov, and Leonard Read and conservatives such as William F. Buckley, Jr. Nock’s conservative view of society would help inspire the paleoconservative movement in response to the development of neo-conservatism during the Cold War. In insisting on the state itself as the root problem, Nock’s thought was one of the main precursors to anarcho-capitalism. …”

Books

  • The Myth of a Guilty Nation.[1] New York: B.W. Huebsch, 1922.
  • The Freeman Book.[2] B.W. Huebsch, 1924.
  • Jefferson.[3] New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1926 (also known as Mr. Jefferson).
  • On Doing the Right Thing, and Other Essays.[4] New York: Harper and Brothers, 1928.
  • Francis Rabelais: The Man and His Work. Harper and Brothers, 1929.
  • The Book of Journeyman: Essays from the New Freeman.[5] New Freeman, 1930.
  • The Theory of Education in the United States.[6] New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1932.
  • A Journey Into Rabelais’s France. William Morrow & Company, 1934.
  • A Journal of These Days: June 1932-December 1933. William Morrow & Company, 1934.
  • Our Enemy, the State.[7] William Morrow & Company, 1935.
  • Free Speech and Plain Language. William Morrow & Company, 1937.
  • Henry George: An Essay. William Morrow & Company, 1939.
  • Memoirs of a Superfluous Man.[8] New York: Harper and Brothers, 1943.

Published posthumously:

  • A Journal of Forgotten Days: May 1934-October 1935. Henry Regnery Company, 1948.
  • Letters from Albert Jay Nock, 1924-1945, to Edmund C. Evans, Mrs. Edmund C. Evans, and Ellen Winsor. The Caxton Printers, 1949.
  • Snoring as a Fine Art and Twelve Other Essays.[9] Richard R. Smith, 1958.
  • Selected Letters of Albert Jay Nock. The Caxton Printers, 1962.
  • Cogitations from Albert Jay Nock.[10] The Nockian Society, 1970, revised edition, 1985.
  • The State of the Union: Essays in Social Criticism. Liberty Press, 1991.
  • The Disadvantages of Being Educated and Other Essays. Hallberg Publishing Corporation, 1996.

Origins of the Old Right II: The Tory Anarchism of Mencken and Nock
Chapter 3 of The Betrayal of the American Right

by Murray N. Rothbard

“…Most of this loose coalition of individualistic radicals was totally disillusioned with the political process, but to the extent that they distinguished between existing parties, the Republican Party was clearly the major enemy. Eternal Hamiltonian champions of Big Government and intimate government “partnership” with Big Business through tariffs, subsidies, and contracts, long-time brandishers of the Imperial big stick, the Republicans had capped their antilibertarian sins by being the party most dedicated to the tyranny of Prohibition, an evil that particularly enraged H.L. Mencken. Much of the opposition (e.g., Mencken, Villard) supported the short-lived LaFollette Progressive movement of 1924, and the Progressive Senator William E. Borah (R-Idaho) was an opposition hero in leading the fight against the war and the League of Nations, and in advocating recognition of Soviet Russia. But the nearest political home was the conservative Bourbon, non-Wilsonian or “Cleveland” wing of the Democratic Party, a wing that at least tended to be “wet,” was opposed to war and foreign intervention, and favored free trade and strictly minimal government. Mencken, the most politically minded of the group, felt closest in politics to Governor Albert Ritchie, the states-rights Democrat from Maryland, and to Senator James Reed, Democrat of Missouri, a man staunchly “isolationist” and anti-intervention in foreign affairs and pro-laissez-faire at home.

It was this conservative wing of the Democratic Party, headed by Charles Michelson, Jouett Shouse, and John J. Raskob, which launched a determined attack on Herbert Hoover in the late 1920s for his adherence to Prohibition and to Big Government generally. It was this wing that would later give rise to the much-maligned Liberty League.

To Mencken and to Nock, in fact, Herbert Hoover – the pro-war Wilsonian and interventionist, the Food Czar of the war, the champion of Big Government, of high tariffs and business cartels, the pious moralist and apologist for Prohibition – embodied everything they abhorred in American political life. They were clearly leaders of the individualist opposition to Hoover’s conservative statism.

Since they were, in their very different styles, the leaders of libertarian thought in America during the 1920s, Mencken and Nock deserve a little closer scrutiny. The essence of Mencken’s remarkably consistent “Tory anarchism” was embodied in the discussion of government that he was later to select for his Chrestomathy:

All government, in its essence, is a conspiracy against the superior man: its one permanent object is to oppress him and cripple him. If it be aristocratic in organization, then it seeks to protect the man who is superior only in law against the man who is superior in fact; if it be democratic, then it seeks to protect the man who is inferior in every way against both. One of its primary functions is to regiment men by force, to make them as much alike as possible . . . to search out and combat originality among them. All it can see in an original idea is potential change, and hence an invasion of its prerogatives. The most dangerous man, to any government, is the man who is able to think things out for himself, without regard to the prevailing superstitions and taboos. Almost inevitably he comes to the conclusion that the government he lives under is dishonest, insane and intolerable, and so, if he is romantic, he tries to change it. And even if he is not romantic personally [as Mencken clearly was not] he is very apt to spread discontent among those who are. . . .

The ideal government of all reflective men, from Aristotle onward, is one which lets the individual alone – one which barely escapes being no government at all. This ideal, I believe, will be realized in the world twenty or thirty centuries after I have . . . taken up my public duties in Hell.…”

http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/betrayal/3.html

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Is Bill Bennett A Classical Liberal, a.k.a. A Libertarian or A Neoconservative? His Listeners Would Like To Know.

Posted on July 14, 2010. Filed under: Blogroll, Books, Communications, Demographics, Economics, Education, Employment, Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, government, government spending, history, Immigration, Language, Law, liberty, Life, Links, media, Monetary Policy, People, Philosophy, Politics, Quotations, Rants, Raves, Regulations, Religion, Resources, Taxes, Video, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

Revised and Updated December 23, 2014

“I believe the very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism.”

~President Ronald Reagan

On Wednesday, July 14, I was listening to Bill Bennett’s talk show Morning In America, currently my favorite talk radio show.

http://www.billbennett.com/pages/meetourteam/

A caller was making a comment when Bill responded that he is a “classical liberal”  and had been one for a very long time.

This surprised me for I thought he and his executive producer, Seth Leibsohn, were neoconservatives.

The conservative movement has two major wings the traditionalists and the libertarians.

I would call or label my political philosophy or views traditionalist libertarian or classical liberal or conservative.

However like Hayek, my own preference is classical liberal.

This is especially the case when I am playing with American progressives and liberals who do not have a clue as to what I am talking about.

Both wings of the conservative movement may on occasion agree with the neoconservatives and even admire and respect their writings,  however many conservatives do not consider neoconservatives to be  either new or conservative and are insulted if you call them a neocon.

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I fully supported President Bush’s response to the  Islamic religious fanatics’ terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001.

Unfortunately, President Bush was simply too slow in changing the leadership and strategy of both the Iraq and Afghanistan wars when they were not working.

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The neoconservatives were largely responsible for the strategy for both the Afganistan and Iraq wars.

Many of Bill’s interviews with authors and experts  in the foreign policy area are identified or called, rightly or in some cases wrongly, a neoconservatives.

While I accept Bill’s answer, I still suspect he is closet neoconservative.

Your loyal audience would appreciate some amplification and clarity as to the category of your political philosophy.

UPDATE:

 Bill on July 18, 2010 in commenting upon a caller’s remark stated he was not a libertarian.

Most classical liberals and libertarians in America would equate the two.

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Apparently Bill is a neoconservative after all.

 I am not surprised.

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“Neoconservatives are the boat people of the McGovern revolution.”

~Patrick J. Buchanan, Where the Right Went Wrong
 

Background Articles and Videos

The Repellent Neoconservatives

by Murray N. Rothbard

“…Once upon a time in America, there was a left and a right and a center, and within these clearly discernible segments of the ideological spectrum there were distinctly calibrated gradations. Everyone could find an ideological niche without much trouble, and knew pretty well where everyone else stood too. Everyone knew who were the good guys and bad guys, and the varying degrees of rectitude of the guys in between.

By now it is almost a cliché that the old ideological points of reference are no more; that left, right, and center cannot be identified even with a scorecard. One way of describing these changes is to say that left and right have been collapsing toward the center, that is, toward the locus of power. Interests of state have increasingly taken over, leading the “responsible” elements within each ideological group more and more to resemble one another.

We have reached the final pages of Orwell’s Animal Farm, in which the pigs, who had previously been the vanguard of the successful animal revolution against man, now walk erect and even live in the farmhouse, and “the creatures outside looked from pig to man, and from man to pig, and from Pig to man again; but already it was impossible to say which was which.” Specifically, it has become almost impossible to distinguish “responsible” National Review conservatism from right-wing social democracy or from neoconservatism, and even, in some respects, from left-liberalism or the democratic socialism of the Robert Heilbroner variety. …”

http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard231.html

A STRATEGY FOR THE RIGHT

By Murray N. Rothbard

“…So, to sum up: the problem is that the bad guys, the ruling classes, have gathered unto themselves the intellectual and media elites, who are able to bamboozle the masses into consenting to their rule, to indoctrinate them, as the Marxists would say, with “false consciousness.” What can we, the right-wing opposition, do about it?

One strategy, endemic to libertarians and classical liberals, is what we can call the “Hayekian” model, after F.A. Hayek, or what I have called “educationism.” Ideas, the model declares, are crucial, and ideas filter down a hierarchy, beginning with top philosophers, then seeping down to lesser philosophers, then academics, and finally to journalists and politicians, and then to the masses. The thing to do is to convert the top philosophers to the correct ideas, they will convert the lesser, and so on, in a kind of “trickle-down effect,” until, at last, the masses are converted and liberty has been achieved.

First, it should be noted that this trickle-down strategy is a very gentle and genteel one, relying on quiet mediation and persuasion in the austere corridors of intellectual cerebration. This strategy fits, by the way, with Hayek’s personality, for Hayek is not exactly known as an intellectual gut-fighter.

Of course, ideas and persuasion are important, but there are several fatal flaws in the Hayekian strategy. First, of course, the strategy at best will take several hundred years, and some of us are a bit more impatient than that. But time is by no means the only problem. Many people have noted, for example, mysterious blockages of the trickle. Thus, most real scientists have a very different view of such environmental questions as Alar than that of a few left-wing hysterics, and yet somehow it is always the same few hysterics that are exclusively quoted by the media. The same applies to the vexed problem of inheritance and IQ testing. So how come the media invariably skew the result, and pick and choose the few leftists in the field? Clearly, because the media, especially the respectable and influential media, begin, and continue, with a strong left-liberal bias.

More generally, the Hayekian trickle-down model overlooks a crucial point: that, and I hate to break this to you, intellectuals, academics and the media are not all motivated by truth alone. As we have seen, the intellectual classes may be part of the solution, but also they are a big part of the problem. For, as we have seen, the intellectuals are part of the ruling class, and their economic interests, as well as their interests in prestige, power and admiration, are wrapped up in the present welfare-warfare state system.

Therefore, in addition to converting intellectuals to the cause, the proper course for the right-wing opposition must necessarily be a strategy of boldness and confrontation, of dynamism and excitement, a strategy, in short, of rousing the masses from their slumber and exposing the arrogant elites that are ruling them, controlling them, taxing them, and ripping them off. …”

http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/ir/Ch1.html

 

The Irrepressible Rothbard

 

 

 
 
 
 

INVADE THE WORLD

 By  Murray Rothbard

“…When Communism and the Soviet Union collapsed several years ago, it seemed evident that a massive reevaluation of American foreign policy had to get under way. For the duration of the Cold War, U.S. foreign policy was simply a bipartisan interventionist crusade against the Soviet Union, and the only differences were precisely how far the global intervention should go.

But when the Soviet Union fell apart, a rethinking seemed absolutely necessary, since what could form the basis of U.S. policy now? But among the intellectual pundits and elites, the molders of U.S. and even world opinion, virtually no rethinking has occurred at all. Except for Pat Buchanan and us paleos, U.S. foreign policy had proceeded as usual, as if the Cold War collapse never happened. How? Buchanan and the “neo-isolationists” urged that American intervention be guided strictly by American national interest. But the liberal/neocon alliance, now tighter than ever before (now that Soviet Communism, which the neocons were harder on, has disappeared), pretended to agree, and then simply and cunningly redefined “national interest” to cover every ill, every grievance, under the sun. Is someone starving somewhere, however remote from our borders? That’s a problem for our national interest. Is someone or some group killing some other group anywhere in the world? That’s our national interest. Is some government not a “democracy” as defined by our liberal-neocon elites? That challenges our national interest. Is someone committing Hate Thought anywhere on the globe? That has to be solved in our national interest.

And so every grievance everywhere constitutes our national interest, and it becomes the obligation of good old Uncle Sam, as the Only Remaining Superpower and the world’s designated Mr. Fixit, to solve each and every one of these problems. For “we cannot stand idly by” while anyone anywhere starves, hits someone over the head, is undemocratic, or commits a Hate Crime.

It should be clear that there is now virtually no foreign policy distinction between the liberals and the neocons, the Tony Lewises and Bill Safires, Commentary and the Washington Post. Wherever the problem is, the liberal-neocon pundits and laptop bombardiers are all invariably whooping it up for U.S. intervention, for outright war, or for the slippery-slope favorite of “sanctions.” Sanctions, the step-by-step escalation of intervention, is a favorite policy of the warmongers. Calling for immediate bombing or invading of Country X as soon as a grievance starts would seem excessive and even nutty to most Americans, who don’t feel the same sense of deep commitment to the U.S.A. as Global Problem-Solver as do the pundits and elites. And sanctions can temporarily slake the thirst for belligerence. And so it’s sanctions: starving the villains, cutting off transportation, trade, confiscating their property in terms of financial assets, and finally, when that doesn’t work, bombing, sending troops, etc. Troops are usually sent first as purely “humanitarian” missionaries, to safeguard the “humane” aid of the UN “peacekeepers.” But in short order, the benighted natives, irrationally turning against all this help and altruism, begin shooting at their beloved helpers, and the fat is in the fire, and the U.S. must face the prospects of sending troops who are ordered to shoot to kill. …”

http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/ir/Ch34.html

Neoconservatism Versus Libertarianism

by Justin Raimondo, April 29, 2004

“…The editors of National Review led a smear campaign against conservatives and libertarians who opposed the war, deeming them “Unpatriotic Conservatives,” and yet now these same people are repeating the arguments of Patrick J. Buchanan, Lew Rockwell, myself, adopting the paleoconservatives critique of “democratic” imperialism. Like Brooks, the National Review editorial makes some minor criticisms of the Bush policy as imperialism “on the cheap,” but the main problem, as far as they are concerned, is:

“An intellectual mistake made prior to the occupation: an underestimation in general of the difficulty of implanting democracy in alien soil, and an overestimation in particular of the sophistication of what is fundamentally still a tribal society and one devastated by decades of tyranny. This was largely, if not entirely, a Wilsonian mistake. The Wilsonian tendency has grown stronger in conservative foreign-policy thought in recent years, with both benefits (idealism should occupy an important place in American foreign policy, and almost always has) and drawbacks (as we have seen in Iraq, the world isn’t as malleable as some Wilsonians would have it).”

One can hardly find anything in this with which to disagree – except to note that one of the biggest and most energetic promoters of this mistaken Wilsonian tendency has been none other than National Review. What else is one to make of Michael Ledeen’s constant paeans to the glories of what he calls “creative destruction” in the Middle East, and countless articles in that magazine urging the extension of the war into Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and beyond? Wasn’t it Rich Lowry, the editor of National Review, who infamously suggested the nuking of Mecca as a prelude to the occupation of Saudi Arabia. I suppose one could claim that the mindset of Lowry and his co-thinkers and fellow editors owes more to Dr. Strangelove than to Woodrow Wilson, but this hardly exculpatory. Second only to The Weekly Standard, none have been louder or more consistent in calling for war in the Middle East than National Review.

What is appalling is the utter dishonesty of their arguments: yesterday, Pat Buchanan was an “unpatriotic conservative” for making the very same arguments against the neoconservative’s democracy fetish as National Review now borrows and claims as its own. It was Buchanan, after all, who recently wrote:

“Bush’s world democratic revolution is Wilsonian imperialism, which contains an inherent and perhaps fatal contradiction. Imperialism means we decide the government a nation will have and how its foreign policy shall be oriented. Democracy means they decide. What do we do if we impose democracy on Iraq, and the Iraqis use their freedom to vote to throw us out and confront Israel and claim Kuwait as their long-lost province?”

Buchanan wrote that in the beginning of April, but he had been saying it long before the wisdom of the principle ever dawned on the editors of National Review. In 1999, he outlined what he called a “New Americanism”:

“We need a new foreign policy rooted neither in the Wilsonian Utopianism of the Democrat Party nor the Pax Americana of the Republican think tanks and little magazines, a policy that reflects the goodness and greatness of this Republic, but also an awareness that we were not put on this earth to lord it over other nations. The true third way is a New Americanism that puts America first, but ‘goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy,’ that defends America’s freedom, frontiers, citizens, security, and vital interests, but harbors no desire to impose our vision on any other people.” …”

http://original.antiwar.com/justin/2004/04/28/neoconservatism-versus-libertarianism/

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